As part of the ambitious five-year initiative, called CalAIM, the state is supposed to offer the sickest and costliest patients a personal care manager and new services ranging from home-delivered healthy meals to help paying rental security deposits.

But a quarter of the health care insurers, nonprofit organizations, and others responsible for implementing the program don’t know enough about it to serve those in need, and many are not equipped to refer and enroll vulnerable patients, according to research by the California Health Care Foundation. (California Healthline is an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.)

The survey found that only about half of primary care providers and hospital discharge planners are very or somewhat familiar with the initiative, even though they are essential to identifying patients and referring them for services.

“These workers are on the front lines and if they don’t know about it, that’s a pretty easy win to educate them so they can help more people,” said Melora Simon, an associate director at the foundation, which conducted the survey between July 21 and Sept. 12. The initiative debuted in January 2022.

“These workers are most likely to see people in the hospital, in crisis,” she added, and “have the opportunity to do something about it.”

The roughly two dozen managed care insurance companies serving patients in Medi-Cal, California’s Medicaid program for low-income people, are responsible for identifying and enrolling patients into the program, and providing the new services. To make this happen, they contract with local government agencies, community nonprofit groups, social service organizations, hospitals, community clinics, and more. Those organizations can also make referrals and link patients to new services. The foundation surveyed 1,196 of these so-called implementers.

Most of the respondents said state payment rates do not cover the cost of providing expensive social services, and half say the workforce they need to deliver them is “tapped out and overwhelmed.”

About 44% also cited inconsistencies and different rules imposed by managed care plans, making participation very or somewhat challenging. For example, some insurers provide on-the-spot Uber rides for doctor appointments while others offer only a bus pass. Plus, not all plans offer the same services.

The survey did pinpoint some early successes. For instance, about half of respondents said the initiative has enabled them to serve more people, and that their ability to manage the comprehensive needs of patients has gotten better.

Tony Cava, a spokesperson for the state Department of Health Care Services, which administers Medi-Cal, acknowledged that the survey findings “resonate” and said the state is working to streamline and standardize patient referrals and authorizations.

“Implementers are on board with the core goals, and we are seeing improvements. But there is room to increase familiarity with CalAIM and broaden and deepen networks,” Cava said.

He said CalAIM represents a major shift in how Medi-Cal delivers care, and that the “kind of seismic system change that we are undergoing takes time.”

“Rather than reactive, we are moving toward a system that is proactive and considers all factors affecting health — the social drivers of health — and not simply what may happen inside of a medical facility,” he added.

The department provides financial and technical assistance to implementers, though only about one-third of survey respondents have found the training, technical guidance, and other resources adequate.

Van Do-Reynoso, chief healthy equity officer for CenCal Health, the Medi-Cal health insurer serving Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo counties, acknowledged that it has been difficult to provide a full complement of CalAIM services. She cited a variety of obstacles such as inadequate reimbursement, lack of housing, and working with social services agencies unfamiliar with the health care system.

Nearly 3,000 CenCal enrollees are receiving CalAIM services, she said, many of them housing- and homelessness-related.

“We are working hard to better engage with hospital CEOs, community providers, and medical providers,” Do-Reynoso said. “People are getting housed. They’re practicing sobriety. It has only whetted our appetite to continue doing this work.”

When Newsom launched CalAIM, the Democratic governor promised it would transform Medi-Cal. The goal, his administration said, is to improve health and prevent people from winding up in costly institutions like the emergency room and jail, and to help move homeless people into housing.

It’s unclear how many of the 15.2 million Californians enrolled in Medi-Cal are eligible for new services and benefits, but several large populations qualify, including homeless Californians, people leaving jail or prison, foster children, people with severe mental illness or addiction, and older nursing home residents who want to transition home.

So far, about 141,000 Medi-Cal patients have a personal care manager through CalAIM, according to Cava, though hundreds of thousands more likely qualify. About 76,000 patients are receiving other social services, which are optional for plans to offer, he said.

In some cases, qualified Medi-Cal enrollees are turning down new services because they are being offered at the wrong time or by the wrong person, Simon said. For instance, a homeless person might not accept services from a police or code enforcement officer.

Insurers say they want to do more but need more help from the state.

“I am very hopeful that a year from now, we are going to be able to demonstrate even greater strides,” Do-Reynoso said. “What we hear often is what is reflected in the survey. We need higher rates, more communication, a more streamlined approval process.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

Both men have led their respective states since 2019, and they’ve lately been engaged in an escalating feud. While Newsom isn’t running for president himself — yet — he’s a key surrogate for President Biden. Fox News is playing up the faceoff, which it’ll host, as “The Great Red Vs. Blue State Debate.” 

The Health 202 is a coproduction of The Washington Post and KFF Health News.

The debate promises to put America’s culture wars front-and-center. Abortion. Homelessness. Transgender health care. The coronavirus pandemic response. Health coverage for undocumented immigrants. Even drag shows, DEI and Disney’s First Amendment rights.

Though conservative TV host Sean Hannity is moderating the 90-minute showdown in Alpharetta, Ga., seemingly a home-field advantage for DeSantis, Newsom is relishing the confrontation after goading Florida’s governor into going head-to-head. 

Both men use each other’s states as punching bags. DeSantis portrays Newsom as too liberal for America, presiding over a failed state where homelessness and crime are rampant, citizens are forced to mask up and get vaccinated, and access to abortion and public assistance like Medicaid is too easy, breaking society morally and financially.

In a fundraising video for his presidential campaign, DeSantis called California “the petri dish for American leftism,” adding that “everything Biden is doing — they would accelerate and they would cause this country to collapse. That is not the future that we need. Florida shows a model for revival, a model based on freedom.”

Newsom has blasted DeSantis as a “small pathetic man” and argues that small-d democracy itself is at stake in the presidential election. His political operation paid for an ad on Florida’s airwaves this year in which Newsom told Sunshine State residents: “Freedom — it’s under attack in your state.”

He has knocked DeSantis’s education policies that restrict teaching gender and sexuality to schoolchildren as well as laws the Florida governor pushed through the legislature banning abortion after six weeks and limiting gender transition-related health care. 

“Your Republican leaders, they’re banning books, making it harder to vote, restricting speech in classrooms,” Newsom said in his ad. “Even criminalizing women and doctors. Join us in California, where we still believe in freedom.”

Newsom’s health and education policies are largely the opposite of DeSantis’s. He’s expanded access to gender-affirming care for children and adults, and is expanding Medicaid beginning Jan. 1 to cover lower-income undocumented immigrants. Backed by the Democratic-controlled state legislature, Newsom led an effort in 2022 to enshrine the right to abortion in the state constitution, and he’s fought to block local school districts from restricting access to certain books.

While DeSantis directs resources to the presidential campaign, where he’s struggling to maintain his second-place standing in the GOP primary behind front-runner Donald Trump, Newsom struck again this month with another Florida ad buy, this time centered on reproductive health and abortion access. 

The ad alleges that DeSantis has criminalized doctors and women seeking an abortion after six weeks and argues that they could be arrested “by order of Governor Ron DeSantis.”

Both men face a monumental test in their debate. Newsom must demonstrate his loyalty to Biden, the Democratic Party leader and the actual candidate next November, while scoring points against DeSantis.

DeSantis, a wooden public speaker who struggles to connect with his audiences, has faced some criticism in Republican circles for a lackluster campaign. He’s got to persuade GOP voters that he’s a formidable option to Trump, without any major gaffes. 

The proxy battle could shape not only next year’s presidential contest, but the 2028 field of White House contenders as well.

One other hot-button issue we’re watching for is homelessness, considering nearly one-third of all homeless Americans live in California. Expect DeSantis to hammer Newsom over Californians fleeing for cheaper living elsewhere — including to Florida. Newsom, meanwhile, will play up the unprecedented investment he’s spearheaded to combat the humanitarian crisis (without clear results as of yet).

This article is not available for syndication due to republishing restrictions. If you have questions about the availability of this or other content for republication, please contact NewsWeb@kff.org.

Gobernador Ron DeSantisEdad: 45Población de Florida: 22.2 million

California

Gobernador Gavin NewsomEdad: 56Población de California: 39 million

El candidato presidencial republicano Ron DeSantis y el gobernador demócrata Gavin Newsom —rivales políticos y representantes de la América roja y azul— se enfrentarán en un debate sin precedentes el 30 de noviembre en Georgia.

Newsom, un agitador liberal en su segundo mandato como gobernador de California, no se presenta a las elecciones presidenciales de 2024. Pero incitó a DeSantis, en su segundo mandato como gobernador de Florida, a un cara a cara. “Yo llevaré mi gomina. Tú trae tu laca”, bromeó en las redes sociales.

El enfrentamiento promete ser una acalorada pelea entre estrellas políticas en ascenso que lideran dos de los estados más poblados y diversos del país. Y será la primera vez que los políticos se vean las caras, a pesar de que en las últimas semanas han intercambiado insultos en videos para recaudar fondos y anuncios de campaña.

Los temas principales serán la falta de vivienda y la salud, prioridades de los votantes y cuestiones que han definido, en gran medida, las políticas y los estilos de liderazgo de los gobernadores. Desde el aborto hasta las vacunas contra covid-19, Newsom y DeSantis no podrían ser más opuestos.

A principios de este año, DeSantis criticó a California por ser demasiado generosa con los programas públicos como Medicaid, que el Estado Dorado ha ampliado a todos los residentes elegibles, independientemente de su estatus migratorio. Esa política de gran alcance entra en vigencia en enero y va mucho más allá de la expansión opcional de Medicaid que la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA) ofreció a los estados. En Florida, uno de los 10 estados que se ha negado a ampliar Medicaid bajo ACA o Obamacare, DeSantis alardea de la tasa de residentes del estado sin seguro de salud, que es del 11%, como si fuera una medalla de honor.

“No vamos a ser como California y tener un número masivo de personas en programas gubernamentales sin requisitos de trabajo”, dijo DeSantis en un debate de primarias presidenciales en el sur de California a principios de este año.

DeSantis ha llevado a su estado a restringir el aborto y la atención médica de afirmación de género, y a prohibir las máscaras relacionadas con covid y los mandatos de vacunación.

Newsom, un hábil e impetuoso sustituto del presidente demócrata Joe Biden, ha arremetido contra DeSantis por poner a los floridanos en peligro y despojarlos de sus derechos.

“Únete a nosotros en California, donde todavía creemos en la libertad”, expresó Newsom en un anuncio político a principios de este año.

Newsom se ha ganado el apodo de “gobernador de la atención de salud” al catapultar este asunto a lo más alto de sus prioridades políticas. Ha hecho de California un santuario del aborto y está ampliando drásticamente las prestaciones de salud. Durante su primera campaña, prometió estabecer el sistema de salud de pagador único al estado más poblado del país, pero esa idea encontró una dura oposición política al principio de su mandato. Y ahora Newsom se jacta de haber conseguido que la tasa de personas sin seguro en el estado haya alcanzado un mínimo histórico del 6,5% al ampliar la cobertura de otras maneras.

Se espera que estas cuestiones sean el centro del debate de 90 minutos televisado a todo el país por Fox News. Un debate que podría tener importantes repercusiones en la contienda presidencial del próximo año, e incluso ayudar a conformar el grupo de aspirantes a la Casa Blanca en 2028.

Con miras al debate, KFF Health News analizó 10 de las principales posiciones de los gobernadores en materia de salud y cómo sus políticas han mejorado —o perjudicado— la salud de los residentes a los que representan.

Obamacare

Florida

DeSantis se ha negado a ampliar la elegibilidad de Medicaid a más personas bajo la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA). Una de las consecuencias es que, hacia febrero, más de 3 millones de floridanos tenían cobertura a través del mercado de seguros federal del Obamacare, más que cualquier otro estado. Florida no cuenta con un mercado estatal, ni ofrece subsidios patrocinados por el estado.

California

El estado ha adoptado con entusiasmo la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA), ampliando Medicaid y creando su propio mercado de seguros, Covered California. Con Newsom, se ha ido mucho más allá de las disposiciones del Obamacare y se ha creado un requisito estatal que obliga a los californianos a tener un seguro de salud, después de que se eliminara el mandato federal.

Aborto

Florida

DeSantis aprobó en abril una ley que prohíbe los abortos después de las seis semanas de embarazo. Sin embargo, la Corte Suprema de Florida ha tomado un recurso de apelación sobre la prohibición de las 15 semanas introducida en 2022, lo que determinará si la prohibición de las seis semanas puede entrar en vigencia.

California

Newsom encabezó en 2022 la iniciativa de enmendar la constitución estatal para consagrar el derecho al aborto y al control de la natalidad. También aprobó $60 millones para ayudar a pacientes sin seguro y a personas de fuera del estado a pagar abortos en California, y firmó leyes de atención a la salud reproductiva, incluida una que protege a los médicos que envían píldoras abortivas por correo a otros estados.

Atención transgénero

Florida

Bajo DeSantis, Florida aprobó este año una ley que prohíbe la atención médica de afirmación de género para menores trans y obliga a los pacientes adultos a firmar formularios de consentimiento informado antes de iniciar o continuar un tratamiento hormonal. La ley también limita la capacidad de los médicos para ordenar la terapia hormonal y prohíbe el uso de la telesalud para nuevas recetas. Está previsto que a mediados de diciembre se celebre un juicio por una demanda federal contra esta ley.

California

Newsom y otros líderes estatales han modificado la ley estatal para garantizar que todos los adultos y niños de California tengan derecho a servicios de atención médica de afirmación de género. Y las compañías de seguros que operan en California deben incluir información sobre los proveedores de la red de servicios de afirmación de género para 2025. Las agencias de salud estatales diseñan “normas de calidad aplicables” para garantizar que los pacientes trans tengan acceso a una atención integral.

Vivienda

Florida

DeSantis no ha declarado que la falta de vivienda sea una prioridad. En un video grabado en las calles de San Francisco, y publicado en redes sociales en junio, utilizó el tema como un arma de campaña para criticar lo que llamó “políticas de izquierda” en California. Florida experimenta con el uso de fondos de Medicaid para hacer frente a la falta de vivienda, pero el programa es limitado. Casi 26,000 personas carecen de hogar en Florida, es decir, 12 de cada 10,000 residentes.

California

Newsom ha destinado más de $20,000 millones a la crisis de los sin techo, y miles de millones más a servicios sociales y de salud. Por ejemplo, algunos californianos sin hogar pueden obtener servicios sociales a través del programa estatal de Medicaid, como dinero para depósitos de alquileres, pagos para servicios públicos, y para el primer y último mes de alquiler. Newsom también lideró una nueva iniciativa estatal que podría obligar a algunas personas sin hogar a someterse a tratamientos de salud mental o de adicciones. En California hay más de 171,000 personas sin hogar, es decir, 44 de cada 10,000 residentes.

Salud mental

Florida

DeSantis ha reiterado su promesa de abogar por programas de tratamiento de salud mental como gobernador, aunque Florida todavía ocupa el puesto 43 a nivel nacional en el acceso a la atención de salud mental y tiene la cuarta tasa más alta de adultos con enfermedades mentales sin seguro, según el Miami Center for Mental Health and Recovery. Con DeSantis, Florida ha aumentado la financiación estatal para programas de salud mental en las escuelas y servicios de salud mental entre pares para personal de primeros auxilios, y ha canalizado fondos para la prevención del suicidio.

California

Newsom firmó en 2020 una de las leyes de paridad en salud mental más estrictas del país, que obliga a las compañías de seguros a cubrir los trastornos mentales y las adicciones de la misma forma que lo harían con las afecciones físicas. Financia una iniciativa de $4,700 millones para proporcionar tratamiento de salud mental en las escuelas. Newsom también lidera en 2024 la campaña a favor de una medida de bonos estatales de $6,400 millones para renovar y ampliar los programas comunitarios de salud mental, incluidas miles de nuevas camas para tratamientos.

Addicciones

Florida

La tasa de muertes por sobredosis de drogas en Florida fue de 37,5 por cada 100,000 personas en 2021. En agosto, DeSantis anunció un nuevo programa estatal para recuperarse de las adicciones, calificado como “el primero de su tipo” en Estados Unidos, que utiliza consejeros pares, tratamiento asistido con medicamentos y una red coordinada de servicios de apoyo. DeSantis también autorizó a los condados de Florida a adoptar programas de intercambio de agujas en 2019 para reducir la propagación de enfermedades por transmisión sanguínea y fomentar el tratamiento de adicciones.

California

La tasa de muertes por sobredosis de drogas en California fue de 26,6 por cada 100, 000 habitantes en 2021. Newsom ha enviado a la Patrulla de Carreteras del estado y a la Guardia Nacional a San Francisco para combatir el comercio de fentanilo al aire libre e impulsa programas de recuperación de adicciones en todo el estado. Pero el año pasado vetó una ley que habría permitido a Los Angeles, San Francisco y Oakland establecer sitios seguros para inyectarse.

Medicamentos recetados

Florida

Una propuesta de DeSantis, presentada a la FDA en 2020, incluye permitir la importación de medicamentos de Canadá. Una nueva ley estatal también establece límites de precios para los administradores de beneficios farmacéuticos —intermediarios entre aseguradoras, farmacias y fabricantes— y crea nuevas normas para ellos en torno a la transparencia de precios. La ley también obliga a las farmacéuticas a revelar aumentos de precios significativos.

California

Newsom encabeza una iniciativa de $100 millones, la primera en el país, que sitúa a California en el negocio de la fabricación de medicamentos genéricos, empezando por la insulina y la naloxona, un fármaco para revertir el efecto de los opioides. California ya contaba con una ley de transparencia de precios cuando Newsom asumió el cargo. Este año, firmó una ley que endurece la normativa estatal para los administradores de beneficios farmacéuticos.

Cuidado de salud asequible

Florida

En 2019, DeSantis firmó la Ley de Ahorro del Paciente, que permite a las aseguradoras de salud compartir los ahorros de costos con los afiliados que compran servicios de atención médica, como imágenes y pruebas de diagnóstico. Bajo su liderazgo, los legisladores de Florida también han permitido planes de salud a corto plazo, que duran menos de un año, y acuerdos de atención médica directa entre un paciente y un proveedor de salud que no se consideran seguros, y no están sujetos al código de seguros de Florida.

California

Una de las primeras iniciativas de Newsom en materia de salud consistió en financiar subvenciones estatales al seguro médico para residentes ingresos bajos y medios que contraten un seguro a través de Covered California. También acordó este año reducir los copagos y eliminar algunos deducibles de los planes vendidos a través del mercado. La recién creada Office of Health Care Affordability de California limita los aumentos de costos del sector y podría regular la consolidación de la industria de la salud. California prohíbe los planes de salud a corto plazo.

Salud Pública

Florida

DeSantis firmó una ley en 2021 que prohíbe al gobierno, las escuelas y los empleadores privados exigir la vacunación contra covid. En 2023, presionó a los legisladores para que aprobaran leyes que prohibieran ciertos requisitos de vacunas y uso de máscaras. También estableció un Comité de Integridad de Salud Pública dirigido por su cirujano general elegido a dedo, Joseph Ladapo, cuya orientación oficial sobre las vacunas de covid contradice las recomendaciones de los CDC. La tasa de vacunación de refuerzo contra covid-19 en el Estado del Sol para los residentes de 5 años en adelante es del 12,4%.

California

Newsom fue el primer gobernador de Estados Unidos en emitir una orden para permanecer en casa en todo el estado al comienzo de la pandemia de covid-19. Impulsó fuertes mandatos de vacunación y máscaras, y acusó a DeSantis de ser débil en materia de salud pública. Newsom también ha firmado leyes que refuerzan los mandatos de vacunación infantil, incluida una severa medida contra las falsas exenciones médicas concedidas por los doctores. La tasa de vacunación de refuerzo contra covid-19 en el Estado Dorado para los residentes de 5 años en adelante es del 21,9%.

Atención de salud del inmigrante

Florida

Al tener DeSantis la inmigración como una prioridad, los legisladores aprobaron una ley estatal que obliga a todos los hospitales de Florida a preguntar en sus formularios de admisión si un paciente es ciudadano estadounidense o se encuentra legalmente en el país. Médicos, enfermeras y expertos en políticas de salud afirman que la ley afecta a personas marginadas, que ya tienen dificultades para desenvolverse en el sistema de salud, y que los disuadirá aún más de buscar atención médica.

California

A partir de enero, todos los inmigrantes que cumplan los requisitos de ingresos podrán acogerse al programa estatal de Medicaid. Antes que Newsom asumiera el cargo, California ya había ampliado la elegibilidad a los niños inmigrantes indocumentados hasta los 18 años. Newsom firmó luego leyes que ampliaron el programa a adultos jóvenes hasta los 26 años, a adultos mayores de 50 años y, más tarde, a los inmigrantes de cualquier edad que cumplieran con los requisitos de elegibilidad.

Esta historia fue producida por KFF Health News, conocido antes como Kaiser Health News (KHN), una redacción nacional que produce periodismo en profundidad sobre temas de salud y es uno de los principales programas operativos de KFF, la fuente independiente de investigación de políticas de salud, encuestas y periodismo. 

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

Gov. Ron DeSantisAge: 45Florida population: 22.2 million

California

Gov. Gavin NewsomAge: 56California population: 39 million

Republican presidential candidate Ron DeSantis and Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom — political rivals from opposite coasts and proxies for red and blue America — are set to square off for a first-of-its-kind debate Nov. 30 in Georgia.

Newsom, a liberal firebrand in his second term as governor of California, isn’t running for president in 2024. But he goaded DeSantis, in his second term as governor of Florida, to go mano a mano. “I’ll bring my hair gel. You bring your hairspray,” he taunted on social media.

The matchup promises to be a heated brawl between rising political stars who lead two of the nation’s most populous and diverse states. And it will mark the first time the politicians meet in person even as they have very publicly traded barbs and insults, in recent weeks attacking each other in fundraising videos and campaign ads.

Front and center will be homelessness and health care, top priorities for voters — and issues that have largely defined the governors’ policies and leadership styles. From abortion to covid-19 vaccines, Newsom and DeSantis could not be further apart.

Earlier this year, DeSantis blasted California for being too generous with public benefit programs, such as Medicaid, which the Golden State has expanded to all eligible residents regardless of immigration status. That sweeping policy takes effect in January and goes well beyond the optional expansion of Medicaid that the Affordable Care Act offered states. In Florida, one of 10 states that have refused to expand Medicaid under Obamacare, DeSantis wears the state’s 11% rate of uninsured residents as a badge of honor.

“We’re not going to be like California and have massive numbers of people on government programs without work requirements,” DeSantis said at a presidential primary debate in Southern California earlier this year.

DeSantis has led his state to restrict abortion and gender-affirming care and to ban covid-related mask and vaccine mandates.

Newsom, a slick and brash surrogate for Democratic President Joe Biden, has slammed DeSantis for putting Floridians in danger and stripping them of their rights.

“Join us in California, where we still believe in freedom,” Newsom said in a political ad earlier this year.

Newsom has earned the moniker of “health care governor” by catapulting the issue to the top of his policy priorities. He made California an abortion sanctuary and is dramatically expanding health care benefits. He had promised to bring single-payer health care to the nation’s most populous state while campaigning for his first term, but that idea hit stiff political opposition early in his tenure. And now Newsom boasts about bringing the state’s uninsured rate to an all-time low of 6.5% by expanding coverage in other ways.

These issues are expected to take center stage during the nationally televised 90-minute debate on Fox News, which could have major reverberations for the presidential contest next year and could even help shape the 2028 field of White House contenders.

In advance of the showdown, KFF Health News analyzed 10 of the governors’ top health care positions and how their policies have improved — or hindered — the health of the residents they represent.

Obamacare

Florida

DeSantis has refused to expand Medicaid eligibility to more people under the Affordable Care Act. Partly as a result, more than 3 million Floridians had coverage through the federal Obamacare exchange as of February, more than any other state. Florida does not have a state-based exchange or offer state-sponsored subsidies.

California

The state has enthusiastically embraced the Affordable Care Act, expanding Medicaid while setting up its own insurance exchange, Covered California. Under Newsom, it has also gone well beyond the provisions of Obamacare and created a state requirement for Californians to have health insurance after the federal mandate was eliminated.

Abortion

Florida

DeSantis approved legislation in April banning abortions after six weeks of pregnancy. However, the Florida Supreme Court has taken up a challenge to the 15-week ban introduced in 2022, which will determine if the six-week ban can take effect.

California

Newsom spearheaded the effort in 2022 to amend the state constitution to enshrine the right to abortion and birth control. He also approved $60 million to help uninsured patients and people from out of state pay for abortions in California, and signed reproductive health care laws, including one protecting doctors who mail abortion pills to other states.

Transgender Care

Florida

Under DeSantis, Florida passed a law this year banning gender-affirming health care for trans minors and mandating that adult patients sign informed consent forms before starting or continuing hormone treatment. The law also restricts who can order hormone therapy to physicians and prohibits the use of telehealth for new prescriptions. A federal lawsuit challenging the law is set to go to trial in mid-December.

California

Newsom and other state leaders have amended state law to ensure all California adults and children are entitled to gender-affirming health care services. And insurance companies doing business in California must include information on in-network providers for gender-affirming services by 2025. State health care agencies are designing “enforceable quality standards” to ensure trans patients have access to comprehensive care.

Homelessness

Florida

DeSantis has not declared homelessness a priority. In a video filmed on the streets of San Francisco and posted to social media in June, DeSantis used the topic as a campaign cudgel to criticize what he called “leftist policies” in California. Florida is experimenting with using Medicaid funds to address homelessness, but the program is limited. Nearly 26,000 people are homeless in Florida, or 12 of every 10,000 residents.

California

Newsom has plowed more than $20 billion into the homelessness crisis, with billions more for health and social services. For example, some homeless Californians can get social services through the state’s Medicaid program, such as money for rental security deposits, utility payments, and first and last month’s rent. Newsom also led a new state initiative that could force some homeless people into mental health or addiction treatment. More than 171,000 people are homeless in California, or 44 of every 10,000 residents.

Mental Health

Florida

DeSantis has kept his pledge to advocate for mental health treatment programs as governor, although Florida still ranks 43rd nationally in access to mental health care and has the fourth-highest rate of adults with mental illness who are uninsured, according to the Miami Center for Mental Health and Recovery. Under DeSantis, Florida has increased state funding for mental health programs in schools and peer-to-peer mental health services for first responders, and directed funding to suicide prevention.

California

Newsom in 2020 signed one of the nation’s strongest mental health parity laws, which requires insurance companies to cover mental health and substance use disorders just as they would physical health conditions. He is funding a $4.7 billion initiative to provide mental health treatment in schools. Newsom is also leading the campaign for a statewide, $6.4 billion bond measure in 2024 to revamp and expand community-based behavioral health programs, including thousands of new treatment beds.

Addiction

Florida

Florida’s drug overdose death rate was 37.5 per 100,000 people in 2021. In August, DeSantis announced a new statewide addiction recovery program billed as a “first of its kind” in the United States, using peer counselors, medication-assisted treatment, and a coordinated network of support services. DeSantis also authorized Florida counties to adopt needle exchange programs in 2019 to reduce the spread of blood-borne diseases and encourage addiction treatment.

California

California’s drug overdose rate was 26.6 per 100,000 people in 2021. Newsom is sending the state Highway Patrol and National Guard into San Francisco to combat the open-air fentanyl trade and is boosting addiction recovery programs statewide. But he vetoed legislation last year that would have allowed Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Oakland to establish safe injection sites.

Prescription Drugs

Florida

A DeSantis proposal submitted to the FDA in 2020 includes allowing imported medications from Canada. A new state law also sets price limits for pharmacy benefit managers — intermediaries between insurers, pharmacies, and manufacturers — and creates new rules for them around pricing transparency. The law also requires pharmaceutical companies to disclose significant price hikes.

California

Newsom is spearheading a $100 million, first-in-the-nation initiative that puts California in the generic drugmaking business, beginning with insulin and the opioid reversal drug naloxone. California already had a pricing transparency law when Newsom took office. This year, he signed a law that tightens state regulations for pharmacy benefit managers.

Health Care Affordability

Florida

In 2019, DeSantis signed the Patient Savings Act, which allows health insurers to share cost savings with enrollees who shop for health care services, such as imaging and diagnostic tests. Under his leadership, Florida lawmakers have also allowed short-term health plans lasting less than a year and direct health care agreements between a patient and a health care provider that are not considered insurance and are not subject to Florida’s insurance code.

California

One of Newsom’s first health care initiatives was to fund state-financed health insurance subsidies for low- and middle-income residents who purchase insurance through Covered California. Newsom this year also agreed to lower copays and get rid of some deductibles for plans sold through the exchange. California’s newly created Office of Health Care Affordability is capping industry cost increases and could potentially regulate health industry consolidation. California bans short-term health plans.

Public Health

Florida

DeSantis signed legislation in 2021 banning government, schools, and private employers from requiring covid vaccinations. In 2023, he pushed legislators to adopt laws prohibiting certain vaccine and mask requirements. He also formed a Public Health Integrity Committee led by his hand-picked surgeon general, Joseph Ladapo, whose official guidance on covid vaccines contradicts the CDC’s recommendations. The Sunshine State’s covid-19 vaccine booster rate for residents age 5 and older is 12.4%.

California

Newsom became the first U.S. governor to issue a statewide stay-at-home order at the start of the covid-19 pandemic. He pushed strong vaccination and mask mandates and accused DeSantis of being weak on public health. Newsom has also signed laws strengthening childhood vaccination mandates, including a measure that cracks down on bogus medical exemptions granted by doctors. The Golden State’s covid-19 vaccine booster rate for residents ages 5 and older is 21.9%.

Immigrant Health Care

Florida

With DeSantis making immigration a priority, legislators passed a state law requiring all Florida hospitals to ask on their admission forms whether a patient is a U.S. citizen or lawfully present in the country. Doctors, nurses, and health policy experts say the law targets marginalized people who already have difficulty navigating the health care system and will further deter them from seeking care.

California

Beginning in January, all immigrants who meet income qualifications will be eligible for the state’s Medicaid program. Before Newsom took office, California had already expanded eligibility to immigrant children through age 18 living in the state without authorization. Newsom then signed laws expanding the program to young adults up to age 26, adults 50 and older, and, later, immigrants of any age who otherwise meet eligibility requirements.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, formerly known as Kaiser Health News (KHN), a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

Her blood sugar was plummeting, and the beep came from a continuous glucose monitor attached to her abdomen. The small but powerful device alerts Voros when her blood sugar is dangerously high or low.

“My blood sugar is at 64. It’s too low and still dropping,” Voros, 32, said on a bright October afternoon. She checks the monitor up to 80 times a day to help prevent complications from Type 1 diabetes.

But the monitor means little without the supplies that make it work, including a receiver, a sensor, and a transmitter — some of which must be replaced every 10 to 30 days. Voros also has an insulin pump, which delivers a steady supply of that hormone to her body, and it requires supplies too.

Until recently, Voros — who is covered by Medi-Cal, California’s Medicaid program for people with low incomes or disabilities — spent countless hours on the phone with her endocrinologists, her Medi-Cal insurer Health Net, and a medical supply company to obtain separate approvals for each item. At times, her authorizations expired too quickly, leaving her short on supplies and forcing her to ration and seek donations on social media from other diabetes patients.

Last year, she received only enough supplies to last six months.

“I’ve had to put in hundreds of hours over the phone in the past few years, and I’ve changed my insurance group twice because of this,” Voros said before slugging apple juice in her studio apartment in the Mission Hills neighborhood, a suburban neighborhood in the San Fernando Valley. “It’s exhausting. It makes you want to give up. But I can’t. I’ll literally die.”

Starting in October, Medi-Cal began relaxing prior authorization requirements that have caused life-threatening delays for Voros and others with diabetes.

Previously, authorizations for medications and supplies lasted six months, though for some patients, like Voros, they expired sooner. Under the new rules, authorizations are supposed to last one year from the date of approval and can include all needed supplies — ending the scramble to secure separate authorizations for each piece of equipment. Patients can receive 90 days’ worth of supplies and medications at once.

The state is also formalizing a policy that allows patients to obtain approvals from their health care providers by phone or video.

“Before, California’s requirements were four pages long, and now it’s just a little more than a page,” said Lisa Murdock, chief advocacy officer for the American Diabetes Association, who helped push for the changes. “This is a really important step forward. It means not having to constantly guess how blood sugars are doing.”

Over the past two years, the state also started making continuous glucose monitors and related supplies available to many more people, including all patients with Type 1 diabetes, a chronic autoimmune disease that attacks insulin-producing cells in the pancreas, and those with Type 2 diabetes, gestational diabetes, and hypoglycemia, or chronic low blood sugar. Before last year, the monitors were available to only some patients on a case-by-case basis, according to the state Department of Health Care Services, which administers Medi-Cal.

The enhanced coverage extends to newer, more advanced devices, such as the popular Dexcom G7 and its components, which retail for about $700 on Amazon for a 30-day supply without insurance. Medi-Cal pays roughly $400 for the same equipment.

Diabetes and prediabetes are on the rise in California. About 3.2 million Californians have been diagnosed with diabetes. The Department of Health Care Services says about 1.2 million Medi-Cal enrollees have the disease, according to the latest data available.

Before these changes, Medi-Cal recipients had a harder time securing medication and supplies than people with private insurance, Murdock said.

“Diabetes is a really heartbreaking and costly disease, and to take care of themselves, people with diabetes need easy access to insulin, but also the supplies to manage the disease,” she said.

Patient advocates and state health officials say the changes will save money and lives by giving those with diabetes more control over their blood sugar, and by preventing complications such as organ failure and foot and toe amputations.

This expansion in coverage “improves access and member outcomes, reduces hospitalizations and comorbidities, and improves members’ quality of life with better disease management and less finger sticks,” said Ann Carroll, a Medi-Cal spokesperson. The state, she said, wants to ensure all diabetes patients get “the care they need to lead healthy, fulfilling lives.”

Before Voros got her monitor about three years ago, she had to visit an emergency room repeatedly for seizures and was hospitalized with other diabetic complications. She also lost nerve function in her stomach — which prevents digestion of high-fiber foods like vegetables — as her disease advanced.

“I haven’t had to go to the intensive care unit in almost two years. It has literally saved my life,” she said.

But the bureaucratic hurdles that kept Voros from getting supplies for her monitor were a constant source of stress. That’s changing since she switched to a new medical supply company and Medi-Cal has debuted its new preauthorization process, amid a broader revamp of its pharmacy system.

Getting her supplies on time means peace of mind, Voros said.

“I used to be so afraid to go to sleep at night because of the seizures I’d get from low blood sugar,” she said. “I’ve been really close to death, but now I feel better than I ever have.”

This article is part of “Faces of Medi-Cal,” a California Healthline series exploring the impact of the state’s safety-net health program on enrollees.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

The Health 202 is a coproduction of The Washington Post and KFF Health News.

Starting this month, doctors, nurses and other providers can bill the program for low-income people for treating the homeless anywhere they are — indoors or on the streets. Previously, Medicaid generally paid only for care delivered in traditional settings like hospitals, clinics and offices.

Now, practitioners of street medicine are asking for more: higher Medicaid payment rates to reflect the cost of their services, which they say are far more labor-intensive and time-consuming than health care delivered at hospitals or clinics.

“Rates have to reflect the difficulty of the work so this can be sustainable,” said Michelle Schneidermann, a street medicine expert who previously led homelessness initiatives at Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital and is now director of people-centered care at the California Health Care Foundation.

Cities around the country are grappling with a homelessness crisis that is also a health-care crisis. 

People living outdoors are often addicted to hard drugs and suffer from mental illnesses and chronic diseases. At the same time, they’re notoriously difficult patients. Street medicine started gaining traction about 25 years ago, and today there are more than 150 programs across the country, according to practitioners. At least 50 are in California.

Advocates for the homeless and the people who care for them say their medical needs have long been overlooked by the conventional health-care system and the institutions that pay for care, including the government.

“The way we treat people in health care is way different than how we approach people who are outside living under bridges and in encampments,” says Jim O’Connell, who leads Boston’s Health Care for the Homeless Program, one of the first street medicine programs in the country. “This is a population that has more severe and persistent mental illness than any other group we know in America.”

O’Connell believes the new billing change could dramatically expand street medicine and integrate it into the current system of care — broadening the definition of how and where health care is delivered. Yet much work has to be done to build infrastructure and get the industry on board, he said.

Some homeless people are already enrolled in Medicaid — usually in states that expanded the program under Obamacare. But many go uninsured even in states that have embraced the Affordable Care Act, and street medicine teams are poised to sign up patients they encounter in the field. Experts in one leading program in Los Angeles, for instance, say roughly 60 percent of patients they encounter are already enrolled in Medicaid (a fraction that is probably far lower in other states). Once engaged by street medicine teams, the percentage rises to roughly 80 percent. 

Now that they can consistently bill Medicaid for their work, street medicine practitioners are planning a coordinated lobbying campaign to win higher payment rates, as well as a major PR effort to entice more providers and Medicaid health insurers to participate. 

But so far only a handful of practitioners are working around the country to build support. They’re advocating for new legislation in Congress that would further expand street medicine; leading training and education initiatives with professional health-care trade groups like the American Academy of Family Physicians; and spreading the word about new billing mechanisms in states such as New Mexico. 

In California, a growing street medicine collaborative is pressing health insurers to contract directly with street medicine teams to make services more readily available.

“The next big thing in street medicine is boosting rates,” said Brett Feldman, a provider with USC Street Medicine, who led the charge to persuade the federal government to expand reimbursement. “In street medicine, you’re out physically looking for your patients versus them coming to you, so it just takes longer. And it takes time to build trust.”

This article is not available for syndication due to republishing restrictions. If you have questions about the availability of this or other content for republication, please contact NewsWeb@kff.org.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

Starting Oct. 1, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services began allowing public and private insurers to pay “street medicine” providers for medical services they deliver anyplace homeless people might be staying.

Previously, these providers weren’t getting paid by most Medicaid programs, which serve low-income people, because the services weren’t delivered in traditional medical facilities, such as hospitals and clinics.

The change comes in response to the swelling number of homeless people across the country, and the skyrocketing number of people who need intensive addiction and mental health treatment — in addition to medical care for wounds, pregnancy, and chronic diseases like diabetes.

“It’s a game-changer. Before, this was really all done on a volunteer basis,” said Valerie Arkoosh, secretary of Pennsylvania’s Department of Human Services, which spearheaded a similar state-based billing change in July. “We are so excited. Instead of a doctor’s office, routine medical treatments and preventive care can now be done wherever unhoused people are.”

California led the nation when its state Medicaid director in late 2021 approved a new statewide billing mechanism for treating homeless people in the field, whether outdoors or indoors in a shelter or hotel. “Street medicine providers are our trusted partners on the ground, so their services should be paid for,” Jacey Cooper told California Healthline.

Hawaii and Pennsylvania followed. And while street medicine teams already operate in cities like Boston and Fort Worth, Texas, the new government reimbursement rule will allow more health care providers and states to provide the services.

“It’s a bombshell,” said Dave Lettrich, executive director of the Pittsburgh-based nonprofit Bridge to the Mountains, which provides outreach services to street medicine teams in Pennsylvania. “Before, you could provide extensive primary care and even some specialty care under a bridge, but you couldn’t bill for it.”

Under the new rule, doctors, nurses, and other providers can get reimbursed to care for patients in a “non-permanent location on the street or found environment,” making it the first time the federal government has recognized the streets as a legitimate place to provide health care. This will primarily affect low-income, disabled, and older people on Medicaid and Medicare.

“The Biden-Harris Administration has been focused on expanding access to health care across the country,” said CMS spokesperson Sara Lonardo, explaining that federal officials created a new reimbursement code at the request of street medicine providers who weren’t consistently getting reimbursed.

The White House unveiled an ambitious strategy earlier this year to reduce homelessness in America 25% by 2025, in part by plowing health care money into better care for those living on the streets.

Legislation pending in Congress would further expand reimbursement for street medicine, taking aim at the mental health and addiction crisis on the streets. The bipartisan bill, introduced earlier this year, has not yet had a committee hearing.

Nearly 600,000 people are homeless in America, based on federal estimates from 2022, and on average they die younger than those who have stable housing. The life expectancy for homeless people is 48, compared with the overall life expectancy of 76 years in the U.S.

More than 150 street medicine programs operate across the country, according to street medicine experts. At least 50 are in California, up from 25 in 2022, said Brett Feldman, director of street medicine at the University of Southern California’s Keck School of Medicine.

Feldman spearheaded the state and national efforts to help street medicine providers get paid, alongside the Street Medicine Institute. They submitted a formal request to the Biden administration in January 2022 to ask for a new street medicine billing code.

In the letter, they argued that street medicine saves lives — and money.

“This is done via walking rounds with backpacks, usually working out of a pick-up truck or car, but is also done via horseback, kayak, or any other means to reach hard-to-reach people,” they wrote. “The balance of power is shifted to the patient, with them as the lead of their medical team.”

Street medicine experts argue that by dramatically expanding primary and specialty care on the streets, they can interrupt the cycle of homelessness and reduce costly ambulance rides, hospitalizations, and repeated trips to the emergency room. Street medicine could help California save 300,000 ER trips annually, Feldman projected, based on Medicaid data. Some street medicine teams are even placing people into permanent housing.

Arkoosh said there’s already interest bubbling up across Pennsylvania to expand street medicine because of the federal change. In Hawaii, teams are plotting to go into remote encampments, some in rainforests, to expand primary and behavioral health care.

“We’re seeing a lot of substance abuse and mental health issues and a lot of chronic diseases like HIV,” said Heather Lusk, executive director of the Hawai‘i Health & Harm Reduction Center, which provides street medicine services. “We’re hoping this can help people transition from the streets into permanent housing.”

But the federal change, undertaken quietly by the Biden administration, needs a major public messaging campaign to get other states on board and to entice more providers to participate, said Jim Withers, a longtime street medicine provider in Pittsburgh who founded the Street Medicine Institute.

“This is just the beginning, and it’s a wake-up call because so many people are left out of health care,” he said.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

Her baby, Kyle, who had been born three months prematurely, was in respiratory failure in the neonatal intensive care unit and fighting for his life.

The odds had been against Kyle long before he was born last summer. Crespo, who was abused as a child, was addicted to fentanyl and meth — a daily habit she found impossible to kick while living homeless.

Crespo got a ride to the hospital and cradled her baby in her arms as he died.

“I know this happened because of my addiction,” Crespo said recently, just after a nurse injected her on the streets of downtown Redding with a powerful antipsychotic medication. “I’m trying to get clean, but this is an illness, and it’s so hard while you’re out here.”

Crespo, 39, is among a growing number of homeless pregnant women in California whose lives have been overrun by hard drug use, a deadly coping mechanism many use to endure trauma and mental illness. They are a largely unseen population who, in battling addiction, have lost children — whether to death or local child welfare authorities.

She and other women are now receiving care from specialized street medicine teams fanning across California to treat homeless people wherever they are — whether in squalid encampments, makeshift shantytowns clustered along rivers, or vehicles they stealthily maneuver from one neighborhood to another in search of a safe place to park.

“This is a really impoverished community and the big thing right now is maternity care and prenatal care,” said Kyle Patton, a family doctor who leads the street medicine team for the Shasta Community Health Center in Redding, about 160 miles north of Sacramento in a largely rural and conservative part of the state.

Patton, who dons his hiking boots and jeans to make his rounds, has managed about 20 pregnancies on the streets since early 2022, and even totes a portable ultrasound in his backpack to find out how far along women are. He’s also helping homeless mothers who have lost custody of their children try to get sober so they can reunite with them.

“I didn’t expect this to be a huge part of my practice when I got into street medicine,” Patton said on a hot June day as he packed his medical van with birth control implants, tests to diagnose syphilis and HIV, antibiotics, and other supplies.

“The system is broken and people lack access to health care and housing, so managing pregnancies and providing prenatal care has become a really big part of my job.”

Street medicine isn’t new, but it’s getting a jolt in California, which is leading the charge nationally to deliver full-service medical care and behavioral health treatment to homeless people wherever they are.

The practice is exploding under Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, whose administration has plowed tens of billions of dollars into health and social services for homeless people. It has also standardized payment for street medicine providers through the state’s Medicaid program, called Medi-Cal, allowing them to be paid more consistently. The federal government expanded reimbursement for street medicine this month, making it easier for doctors and nurses around the country to get paid for delivering care to homeless patients outside of hospitals and clinics.

State health officials and advocates of street medicine argue it fills a critical gap in health care — and could even help solve homelessness. Not only are homeless people receiving specialized treatment for addiction, mental illness, chronic diseases, and pregnancy; they’re also getting help enrolling in Medi-Cal and food assistance, and applying for state ID cards and federal disability payments.

In rare cases, street medicine teams have gotten some of the state’s sickest and most vulnerable people healthy and into housing, which supporters point to as incremental but meaningful progress. Yet they acknowledge that it’s no quick fix, that the expansion of street medicine signals an acceptance that homelessness isn’t going away anytime soon — and that there may never be enough housing, homeless shelters, and treatment beds for everyone living outside.

“Even if there is all the money and space to build it, local communities are going to fight these projects,” said Barbara DiPietro, senior director of policy for the Tennessee-based National Health Care for the Homeless Council. “So street medicine is shifting the idea to say, ‘If not housing, how can we manage folks and provide the best possible care on the streets?’”

The expansion of street medicine and other services doesn’t always play well in communities overwhelmed by growing homeless populations — and the rise in local drug use, crime, and garbage that accompany encampments. In Redding and elsewhere, many residents, leaders, and business owners argue that expanding street medicine merely enables homelessness and perpetuates drug use.

Patton acknowledges the process of getting people off drugs is long and messy. More often than not, they relapse, he said, and most expectant mothers lose their babies.

This is true especially of homeless mothers like Crespo, who has been using hard drugs for nearly two decades but is desperate to get clean so she can reconnect with her four living children; they range in age from 12 to 24, Crespo said, and she is estranged from all of them. Two other children have died, one from lymphoma at age 15 and baby Kyle, in August 2022, primarily due to complications from congenital syphilis.

Patton is treating Crespo for mental illness and addiction and has implanted long-acting birth control into her arm so she won’t have another unexpected pregnancy. He has also treated her for hepatitis C and early signs of cervical cancer.

Although she’s still using meth — as is her boyfriend, Kyle’s father — she’s six months sober from fentanyl and heroin, which are more deadly and addictive. “You’d think I could just get clean, but it doesn’t work that way,” said Crespo. “It’s an ongoing fight, but I’m healing.”

Patton doesn’t see Crespo’s continued drug use as a failure. His goal is to establish trust with his patients because overcoming addiction — which often is rooted in trauma or abuse — can take a lifetime, he said.

“We’re playing the long game with our patients,” he said. “They’re really motivated to seek treatment and get off the streets. But it doesn’t always work out that way.”

Street Medicine Takes Off

Patton is a young doctor. At 39, he’s on the leading edge of a movement to entrench street medicine in California, home to nearly a third of all homeless people in America. He has specialized in taking care of low-income patients from the start, first as an outreach worker in Salt Lake City and, later, in a family medicine residency in Fort Worth, Texas, focused on street medicine.

In the past two years, the number of street medicine teams operating in California has doubled to at least 50, clustered primarily in Los Angeles and the San Francisco Bay Area, with 20 more in the pipeline, said Brett Feldman, director of street medicine at the University of Southern California’s Keck School of Medicine.

Teams are usually composed of doctors, nurses, and outreach workers, and are funded largely by health insurers, hospitals, and community clinics that serve homeless people who have trouble showing up to appointments. That may be because they don’t have transportation, don’t want to leave pets or belongings unattended in camps, or are too sick to make the trip.

Feldman, who helped persuade Newsom’s administration to expand street medicine, notched a critical success in late 2021 when the state revamped its medical billing system to allow health care providers to charge the state for street medicine services. Medi-Cal had been denying claims because providers had treated patients in the field, not in hospitals or clinics.

“We didn’t even realize our system was denying those claims, so we updated thousands of codes to say street medicine providers can treat people in a homeless shelter, in a mobile unit, in temporary lodging, or on the streets,” said Jacey Cooper, the state Medicaid director, who this month leaves for the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services to work on federal Medicaid policy. “We want to transition these women into housing and treatment to give them more hope of keeping their kids.”

The state isn’t pumping new money into street medicine, but primarily redirecting Medicaid funds that would have paid for services in brick-and-mortar facilities.

Cooper has also pushed insurance companies that cover Medi-Cal patients to contract directly with street medicine teams, and some have done so.

Health Net, with about 2.5 million Medi-Cal enrollees across 28 counties, has contracted with 13 street medicine organizations across the state, including in Los Angeles, and is funding training.

“It’s a better use of taxpayer funding to pay for street medicine rather than the emergency room or constantly calling an ambulance,” said Katherine Barresi, senior director of health services for Partnership HealthPlan of California, which serves 800 homeless patients in Shasta County and contracts with Shasta Community Health Center.

‘There’s No Accountability’

Redding is the county seat of Shasta County, which has experienced a major political upheaval in recent years, driven in part by the anti-vaccine, anti-mask fervor that ignited during the covid-19 pandemic and the Trump presidency.

Yet residents of all political stripes are growing frustrated by the surge in homelessness and open-air drug use — and the spillover effects on neighborhoods — and are pressuring officials to clear encampments and force people into treatment.

“I don’t care if you’re left, right, middle — what’s happening here is out of control,” said Jason Miller, who owns a local sandwich shop called Lucky Miller’s Deli & Market. Miller said he’s had his windows smashed three times — costing $4,500 in repairs — and has caught homeless people defecating and performing lewd acts in his doorway.

Miller moved to Redding 15 years ago from Portland, Oregon, after losing patience with the homeless crisis there, and tries to help, handing out shoes and food.

He said he also understands that many homeless people need more services — such as street medicine.

“I get what they’re trying to do,” he said of street medicine providers. “But there’s a lot of questioning in the community around what they do. There’s no accountability.”

Patton isn’t deterred by the community’s skepticism or the cycle of addiction, even among his pregnant patients. The way he sees it, his job is to provide the best health care he can, no matter the condition his patients are in.

“It’s a lot of wasted energy, judging people and labeling them as noncompliant,” he said. “My job isn’t to determine if a patient is deserving of health care. If a patient is sick or has a disease, I have the skills to help, so I’m going to do it.”

‘I Have the Willpower’

Shasta County, like much of California, is seeing its homeless population explode — and get sicker. An on-the-ground count this year identified 1,013 homeless people in the county, up 27% from 2022. Most are men, but women account for a growing share of Patton’s patients because “more and more are getting pregnant,” he said.

County welfare agencies have little choice but to separate babies from their mothers when substance use or homelessness presents a risk to the children, said Amber Middleton, who oversees homelessness initiatives at the Shasta Community Health Center.

“We are off the charts with maternal substance abuse,” said Middleton, who previously worked for Shasta County’s child welfare agency. “A lot of these women are trying to get clean so they can get their children back, but they’re also trying to give themselves the childhood that they never had.”

Crespo turned to alcohol and drugs to deal with deep emotional pain from her youth, when she was passed among family members and, she said, beaten repeatedly by one of them.

“He would give me black eyes and I would run away,” she recalled in tears, admitting she has perpetuated that cycle of violence by punching her former husband when she felt provoked.

She has overdosed “more times than I can remember,” she said, and credits naloxone, an opioid overdose reversal drug, for saving her life repeatedly.

Patton routinely tests Crespo and other patients for sexually transmitted infections, gets them on prenatal vitamins, and treats underlying conditions like high blood pressure that can lead to a high-risk pregnancy. And he’s helping women get sober, often using a drug called Suboxone, which is a combination of two medications used to treat opioid addiction. Its forms include a strip that providers snip to make the needed dose.

“A lot of these women have already had children removed, and many are pregnant again,” he said. “If I can get them on Suboxone, they’re going to have a better chance of being successful as a family when they deliver.”

On that sweltering June day, he met Tara Darby, who was on fentanyl and meth and living in a tent along a creek that feeds into the Sacramento River. Patton started her on a course of Suboxone and got her into a hotel with her boyfriend to help her deal with the initial detox.

He also administered a pregnancy test and discovered she was already a few months along. “It’s rough out here. There’s no bathroom or water. You’re nauseous all the time,” Darby, 40, said. “I want to get out of this situation, but I’m terrified about getting clean, the detox, having my baby.”

When Patton offered her support from a drug and alcohol treatment counselor, Darby promised to try. “I want to do it. I have the willpower,” she said.

Across town, Kristen St. Clair was nearly 7 months pregnant and living in a hotel paid for by Shasta Community Health Center. Patton was helping her and her boyfriend, Brandt Clifford, get off fentanyl.

“I want to have a healthy, happy life with my baby,” said St. Clair, 42, who already had one baby taken from her due largely to her drug use. “I’m worried it’s too late now.”

But the prospect of getting clean felt daunting. Clifford, the father of her child, and an Iraq War veteran with a traumatic brain injury, had overdosed the previous day and needed five doses of naloxone to come back. “We saved your life, man,” Patton told Clifford.

Patton snipped a strip of Suboxone, explaining that addiction is complicated. “Science is showing that, for whatever reason, certain people were born with the right mix of genetic predisposition and then have had various things happen to them in their lives, which are unfair,” he said.

“And then when you tried opioids for the first time, your brain said to you, ‘This is the way I am supposed to feel.’ It takes very little to get hooked.”

Despite their desperation to kick their drug habit, St. Clair and Clifford have since relapsed, Patton reported. St. Clair delivered in early September, and her little boy was taken into custody to “withdraw in a neonatal abstinence program,” Patton said. Darby, who was evicted from her hotel room after relapsing, was in residential treatment to get sober as of early October.

Crespo is making headway, Patton said. She and her boyfriend, Andy Gothan, 43, are staying at a hotel while Patton’s team helps her hunt for a landlord who will accept a low-income housing voucher.

“I’m so close. They’ve helped me so much,” Crespo said. Meth is “always around, always available. If I can get inside, it’ll help me deal with the stress of getting clean without all those triggers.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

The state’s health insurance exchange will zero out some patients’ hospital deductibles, up to $5,400; lower the copay of primary care visits from $50 to $35; and reduce the cost for generic drugs from $19 to $15. Some enrollees will also see their annual out-of-pocket spending capped at $6,100, down from $7,500.

Covered California CEO Jessica Altman argues these are tangible reductions — savings on deductibles and copays on top of subsidies to lower monthly premiums — that will affect hundreds of thousands of people and entice them to use their coverage.

“Deductibles uniquely detract people from seeking care, so that’s a significant focus,” Altman told California Healthline. “California is really grappling with affordability and thinking about, ‘What does affordability really mean?’ Many people simply do not have $5,000 sitting in their bank account in case they need it for health care.”

Additional reductions in patients’ out-of-pocket costs — on top of existing federal health insurance subsidies to reduce monthly premiums — will take effect in January for people renewing or purchasing coverage during Covered California’s next enrollment period, which begins in the fall. The state could go further in helping reduce patients’ costs in subsequent years with future budget increases, Altman said.

Still, those savings may be offset by higher costs elsewhere. Covered California announced July 25 that inflation and other factors are driving up annual premium rates on participating health plans by an average of nearly 10% next year, the largest average increase since 2018.

California started fining those without health coverage in the tax year 2020, establishing its own “individual mandate.” In that first year, the state raised $403 million in penalty revenue, according to the state Franchise Tax Board. It has continued to levy fines, paid for largely by low- or middle-income earners, the very people the new subsidies are intended to help.

Legislative leaders had pushed Newsom, a fellow Democrat, to funnel the tax revenue into lowering health care costs for low- and middle-income people purchasing coverage via Covered California — many of whom reported skipping or delaying care due to high out-of-pocket costs.

The governor for years resisted pleas to put penalty money into Covered California subsidies, arguing that the state couldn’t afford it and needed the money given looming economic downturns and the potential loss of federal premium subsidies — which could be threatened by a change in federal leadership.

But under ongoing pressure, Newsom relented in June and agreed to begin spending some of the money to boost state subsidies. According to the state Department of Finance, California is expected to plow $83 million next year and $165 million annually in subsequent years to expand financial assistance — roughly half the revenue it raises annually — into reducing Covered California patients’ costs. The remainder of the money will be set aside in a special health care fund that could be tapped later.

The budget deal also allows the Newsom administration to borrow up to $600 million in penalty revenue for the state general fund, which it must pay back. Penalty revenues are projected to bring in $362 million this year with an additional $366 million projected next year, according to Finance Department spokesperson H.D. Palmer.

Covered California board members approved the new plan design last week. They say the cost-sharing subsidies will lower out-of-pocket spending for nearly 700,000 people out of roughly 1.6 million enrolled in Covered California.

The boost in funding, which represents the state’s most significant effort to slash patients’ costs in Covered California, will largely benefit lower-income Californians who earn below 250% of the federal poverty level, which is $33,975 for an individual and $69,375 for a family of four for 2023, according to the exchange.

“Bringing down deductibles goes a long way to help middle-class California families struggling with increasing costs of living,” said Senate President Pro Tempore Toni Atkins, who rallied fellow Democrats to block a plan by Newsom and his administration to keep the revenue for the state general fund, which can be used for any purpose.

Atkins added, “We will continue our work to lower the costs even more in the years to come.”

Newsom spokesperson Brandon Richards defended the governor’s health care record, saying Newsom is committed to ensuring Californians can access health care. In addition to boosting assistance in Covered California, Richards said, the governor has expanded public health insurance coverage to immigrants lacking legal status and is increasing how much doctors, hospitals, and other providers get paid to see Medicaid patients.

Originally required by the federal Affordable Care Act, the so-called individual mandate to hold health coverage or pay a tax penalty was gutted by Republicans in 2017, eliminating the fine nationally. Newsom reinstated it for California when he took office in 2019 — a key component of his ambitious health care platform.

California is one of at least five states, along with Massachusetts, New Jersey, Rhode Island, and Vermont, as well as the District of Columbia that have their own health coverage mandate, though not all levy a tax penalty for remaining uninsured. Among them, California is most aggressively trying to lower health care costs and achieve universal coverage, said Larry Levitt, executive vice president for health policy at KFF.

“Even though they may disagree on the big picture of health care reform and single-payer, California Democrats have managed to come together and unify around these incremental steps to improve the current system,” Levitt said. “Step by step, they have put in place the pieces to get as close to universal coverage as they possibly can.”

Democratic leaders in the state have faced political blowback for not using the penalty revenue for health care, details first reported by California Healthline, even though Newsom and other Democrats vowed to spend the money to make health care more affordable in Covered California.

Advocates say the deal represents a win for low- and middle-income people.

“We’re excited that this money is protected for health care, and ultimately is set aside for future affordability assistance,” said Diana Douglas, chief lobbyist with the consumer advocacy group Health Access California.

Advocates want the state to tap those health care dollars to get more people covered, such as lowering health care costs for immigrants living in the state without legal permission.

A bill this year by Assembly member Joaquin Arambula, a Fresno Democrat, would require Covered California to establish a separate health insurance marketplace so that immigrants who lack legal status and earn too much to qualify for Medi-Cal, California’s version of Medicaid, can purchase comprehensive coverage that is nearly identical to plans sold on Covered California. Currently, immigrants without legal residency are not allowed on the exchange. Other states, such as Washington and Colorado, have set up similar online marketplaces.

“We’re working hard to create a system that has equal benefits and affordability assistance for everyone,” Arambula said.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).

La bolsa de seguros médicos del estado eliminará los deducibles hospitalarios de algunos pacientes, hasta un máximo de $5,400; reducirá el copago de las visitas de atención primaria de $50 a $35; y reducirá el costo de los medicamentos genéricos de $19 a $15. Algunos afiliados también verán limitado su gasto de bolsillo anual a $6,100 en lugar de $7,500.

La CEO de Covered California, Jessica Altman, argumenta que se trata de reducciones tangibles —ahorros en deducibles y copagos además de subsidios para reducir las primas mensuales— que afectarán a cientos de miles de personas y les animará a utilizar la cobertura.

“Los deducibles evitan que las personas busquen atención médica, por lo que es un objetivo importante”, dijo Altman a California Healthline. “California busca lo asequible y se pregunta: ‘¿Qué significa realmente asequibilidad? Muchas personas simplemente no tienen $5,000 en su cuenta bancaria en caso de que lo necesiten para la atención médica”.

Las reducciones adicionales en los gastos de bolsillo de los pacientes —además de los subsidios federales de seguros de salud existentes para reducir las primas mensuales— entrarán en vigor en enero para las personas que renueven o adquieran cobertura durante el próximo período de inscripción de Covered California, que comienza en otoño. El estado podría ir más lejos en ayudar a reducir los costos de los pacientes en los próximos años con futuros aumentos presupuestarios, señaló Altman.

Aun así, esos ahorros pueden verse neutralizados por costos más altos en otros lugares. Covered California anunció, el 25 de julio, que la inflación y otros factores elevarán las tarifas anuales de las primas de los planes de salud participantes en un promedio de casi el 10% el próximo año, el mayor aumento desde 2018.

California comenzó a multar a aquellos sin cobertura de salud en el año fiscal 2020, estableciendo su propio “mandato individual”. En ese primer año, el estado recaudó $403 millones en ingresos por multas, según la Franchise Tax Board estatal. Ha continuado imponiendo multas, pagadas en gran parte por personas con ingresos bajos o medios, las mismas personas a las que se pretende ayudar con los nuevos subsidios.

Los líderes legislativos habían presionado a Newsom, también demócrata, para que canalizara los ingresos fiscales hacia la reducción de los costos de la atención sanitaria para las personas de ingresos bajos y medios que adquieren cobertura a través de Covered California, muchas de las cuales informaron de que habían dejado de recibir atención médica o la habían retrasado debido a los elevados gastos de bolsillo.

El gobernador se resistió durante años a las peticiones de destinar el dinero de las multas a los subsidios de Covered California, argumentando que el estado no podía permitírselo y que necesitaba el dinero ante la inminente recesión económica y la posible pérdida de los subsidios federales a las primas, que podrían verse amenazados por un cambio en el liderazgo federal.

Sin embargo, ante las continuas presiones, Newsom cedió en junio y aceptó empezar a destinar parte del dinero a aumentar las subvenciones estatales. Según el Departamento de Finanzas del estado, se espera que California destine $83 millones el próximo año y $165 millones anuales en los años siguientes para ampliar la ayuda financiera —aproximadamente la mitad de los ingresos que recauda anualmente— a reducir los costos de los pacientes de Covered California. El resto del dinero se reservará en un fondo especial de asistencia sanitaria al que se podrá recurrir más adelante.

El acuerdo presupuestario también permite a la administración Newsom a pedir prestado hasta $600 millones en ingresos por multas para el fondo general del estado, que debe devolver. Los ingresos por multas se proyecta que traerá $362 millones este año con un adicional de $366 millones previstos el próximo año, según el portavoz del Departamento de Finanzas H. D. Palmer.

Los miembros del consejo de Covered California aprobaron el nuevo diseño del plan la semana pasada. Dicen que los subsidios de costos compartidos reducirá el gasto de bolsillo de casi 700,000 personas de aproximadamente 1,6 millones de inscritos en Covered California.

El aumento de la financiación, que representa el esfuerzo más importante del Estado para reducir los costos de los pacientes en Covered California, beneficiará en gran medida a los californianos de bajos ingresos que ganan por debajo del 250% del nivel federal de pobreza, que es de $33,975 para un individuo y $69,375 para una familia de cuatro en 2023, según el intercambio.

“La reducción de los deducibles es una gran ayuda para las familias de clase media de California que luchan contra el aumento del costo de la vida”, dijo el Presidente Pro Tempore del Senado, Toni Atkins, que se unió a sus compañeros demócratas para bloquear un plan de Newsom y su administración que mantendría los ingresos en el fondo general del Estado, aunque pueden ser utilizados para cualquier propósito.

Atkins añadió: “Seguiremos trabajando para reducir aún más los costos en los próximos años”.

El portavoz de Newsom, Brandon Richards, defendió la trayectoria del gobernador en materia de salud, afirmando que Newsom se ha comprometido a garantizar que los californianos puedan acceder a la asistencia sanitaria. Además de impulsar la asistencia en Covered California, dijo Richards, el gobernador ha ampliado la cobertura del seguro de salud pública a los inmigrantes que carecen de estatus legal y está aumentando la cantidad de médicos, hospitales y otros proveedores a los que se les paga para ver a los pacientes de Medicaid.

Originalmente requerido por la Ley de Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio (ACA), el llamado mandato individual de tener cobertura de salud o pagar una multa fiscal fue desmantelado por los republicanos en 2017, eliminando la multa a nivel nacional. Newsom lo restableció para California cuando asumió el cargo en 2019, un componente clave de su ambiciosa plataforma de atención médica.

California es uno de al menos cinco estados, junto con Massachusetts, Nueva Jersey, Rhode Island y Vermont, así como el Distrito de Columbia, que tiene su propio mandato de cobertura de salud, aunque no todos imponen una multa fiscal por permanecer sin seguro. De todos ellos, California es el estado que más intenta reducir los costos sanitarios para lograr la cobertura universal, según Larry Levitt, vicepresidente ejecutivo de política sanitaria de KFF.

“Aunque no estén de acuerdo en todo lo que implica la reforma sanitaria y el pagador único, los demócratas de California han conseguido unirse y unificarse en torno a estos pasos incrementales para mejorar el sistema actual”, señaló Levitt. “Paso a paso, han ido colocando las piezas para acercarse lo más posible a la cobertura universal”.

Los líderes demócratas en el estado se han enfrentado a críticas políticas por no utilizar los ingresos de la multa para la atención de la salud, detalles reportados por primera vez por California Healthline, a pesar de que Newsom y otros demócratas se comprometieron a gastar el dinero para hacer más asequible la atención de la salud en Covered California.

Para los activistas, el acuerdo representa una victoria para las personas de bajos y medianos ingresos.

“Nos gusta que este dinero esté protegido para la atención de la salud, y que en última instancia se reserve para la futura asistencia”, dijo Diana Douglas, del grupo de defensa del consumidor Health Access California.

Los activistas quieren que el estado aproveche ese dinero para dar cobertura a más personas, por ejemplo, reduciendo los costos sanitarios de los inmigrantes que viven en el estado sin permiso legal.

Un proyecto de ley presentado este año por el miembro de la Asamblea Joaquín Arambula, demócrata de Fresno, exigiría a Covered California establecer un mercado de seguros de salud separado para que los inmigrantes que carecen de estatus legal y ganan demasiado para calificar a Medi-Cal, la versión californiana de Medicaid, puedan comprar una cobertura integral que sea casi idéntica a los planes vendidos en Covered California. En la actualidad, los inmigrantes sin residencia legal no pueden acceder al mercado de seguros. Otros estados, como Washington y Colorado, han creado mercados en línea similares.

“Estamos trabajando para crear un sistema que ofrezca los mismos beneficios y asistencia asequible para todos”, señaló Arámbula.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

USE OUR CONTENT

This story can be republished for free (details).