The 48-year-old, who works as the office manager at a nonprofit, can get emergency care through a narrow set of benefits the state makes available to immigrants without legal residency. And she has been able to get mammograms, X-rays, and blood tests at clinics that charge according to income. But it can take a long time to get such appointments, and they are often far from home.

“It’s very frustrating, because you have to have the time to go, and you can’t just lose a day of work,” says Milagro, who asked that her last name be withheld due to fear of immigration authorities.

Milagro and her husband are among the more than 700,000 immigrants ages 26-49 expected to newly qualify for full health insurance come Jan. 1. That’s when California takes the final step in opening up Medi-Cal, the state’s health care program for low-income residents, to everyone who meets eligibility requirements, regardless of their immigration status.

As I have frequently reported, getting quality care through Medi-Cal can be a challenge. But this population — often household breadwinners who can’t afford to get sick — stand to gain far better access to services such as primary and specialty care, routine dental checkups, prescription medications, inpatient hospital care, lab tests, scans, and mental health services.

New enrollees will join more than 655,000 children, young adults through age 25, and adults 50 or over who have already signed up for Medi-Cal through previous expansions to residents lacking legal authorization, according to the most recent data from the state Department of Health Care Services.

Advocates for immigrants note that people without health insurance are generally sicker and die younger. “This is life-changing for people to now be able to go get regular checkups, get labs drawn, see if they might be diabetic or have high blood pressure,” says Sarah Dar, policy director in the Los Angeles office of the California Immigrant Policy Center.

Milagro says she is excited about what is coming. “I never had regular checkups when I was younger,” she says. “Now, I am more conscious of the fact that I need to take care of my health.”

Extending full Medi-Cal coverage to eligible individuals in the 26-49 age range regardless of immigration status is projected to cost the state $1.4 billion in the first six months and $3.4 billion a year upon full implementation.

The state’s estimate of just over 700,000 new enrollees is based on the number of people in the age group who are already signed up for a narrower set of benefits, known as “restricted scope” Medi-Cal, including Milagro. They will be automatically switched over to full Medi-Cal on Jan. 1. The state has begun mailing notices informing them of expanded benefits and directing them to choose a Medi-Cal health plan unless they live in a county with only one plan.

The remaining residents in the 26-49 age range covered by this expansion will be harder to reach because the state does not know who, where, or how numerous they are. Patient advocates, community groups, and county welfare offices face a number of obstacles: language barriers, wariness of governmental agencies, and fear that signing up for public benefits could jeopardize the chances for legal residency.

One challenge is to convince immigrants that being on Medi-Cal is unlikely to affect their future immigration status under the so-called public charge rule. Advocates point out that California doesn’t share enrollees’ information with federal immigration authorities anyway.

But the fierce anti-immigrant sentiment that was so prevalent during the Trump administration and lingers as the nation gears up for the 2024 elections “sent a message to these communities that they should live in the shadows and are not deserving of benefits,” says Dar.

Even those already in the restricted version of Medi-Cal will be a challenge to reach if their contact information is not up to date. And they could be unaware that they were part of Medi-Cal at all. If, for example, they had a health crisis, were taken to the emergency room, and were simply asked by hospital staff to sign some paperwork to cover their treatment, they might not understand what a mailing from Medi-Cal means.

And some may fear any contact by the government. Lena Silver, director of policy and administrative advocacy at Neighborhood Legal Services of Los Angeles County, says she conducted a training session where a woman who works with day laborers said many of them were afraid to open the envelopes they’d received.

The Department of Health Care Services is spearheading an outreach campaign in 19 languages that includes ads on radio, TV, and social media.

Potentially complicating matters is the fact that the expansion of health benefits to this last ― and largest — group of immigrants coincides with the so-called Medi-Cal unwinding, in which over 900,000 beneficiaries and counting have been disenrolled, mostly due to incomplete paperwork, as pandemic-era exemptions expire.

Immigrants with restricted Medi-Cal must also demonstrate their continued income eligibility in the unwinding, which can be confusing when such a request is piled on top of notices informing them of their newly expanded benefits.

If you, a friend, or a loved one is an immigrant without legal residency, resources are available to help navigate the Medi-Cal enrollment process. A page on the Department of Health Care Services website (dhcs.ca.gov) explains the expansion and contains an FAQ in multiple languages detailing the new benefits that come with it.

If you need help enrolling in a Medi-Cal plan or filling out forms to demonstrate your eligibility, try the Health Consumer Alliance (healthconsumer.org, or 1-888-804-3536). Community clinics are also good sources, as are county offices that administer Medi-Cal.

Brenda, a 33-year-old Los Angeles County resident who also asked to withhold her last name because she lacks legal immigration status, says it will be “a big old blessing” to get full Medi-Cal benefits. She arrived from Mexico as a child and has had to pay for most health care needs out of her own pocket. She rarely goes to the doctor, she hasn’t seen a dentist in three years despite toothaches, and her glasses are five years old.

Come January, she plans to be screened for breast cancer and diabetes, which runs in her family. And, she says, “I definitely want to fix my teeth. I always wanted a Colgate smile.”

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She was taken to a hospital in Clovis, a city in Fresno County, near where the Reisz family lives. But the severity of Megan’s injuries — four broken ribs and a partially collapsed lung — prompted doctors to transport her 12 miles by ambulance to the Level I trauma center at Community Regional Medical Center in Fresno.

While Megan was still recovering at home from her injuries, she received a $2,400 bill from the ambulance company — after the family’s health plan had paid nearly $2,200.

“When we received the bill, I thought our insurance company was processing the claim incorrectly,” says Jennifer Reisz. An attorney, Reisz says she then spent hours on the phone with the health plan, the ambulance company, and a few consumer advocates. She learned that the ambulance company was not in the health plan’s network and was permitted to bill patients for any uncovered portion of its charges — a practice known as balance billing.

Starting Jan. 1, ground ambulance operators will be barred from doing that, thanks to a new law signed by Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom. California is the 14th state to provide some protection against balance billing for ground ambulance rides.

At the federal level, an advisory committee established under the No Surprises Act is working on a plan to address the problem nationally.

Both the federal law, which took effect in 2022, and a California law that predates it largely banned balance billing for hospital care and air ambulance services, but not ground ambulance services.

And that is hardly fair, since patients have zero control in a medical emergency over which ambulance company responds, whether it is in network, or how much it will charge.

In California, nearly three-quarters of emergency ground ambulance rides result in out-of-network bills. The average surprise bill for a ground ambulance ride in California is $1,209, the highest in the nation, according to a December study.

The new law, which applies to about 14 million Californians enrolled in state-regulated commercial health plans, limits how much a non-network ambulance operator can charge patients to the amount they would pay for an in-network ambulance.

The law also caps bills for uninsured people, stipulating they can’t be charged more than the Medi-Cal or Medicare rate, whichever is greater. (Medi-Cal is California’s Medicaid program, providing coverage to people with low incomes or disabilities.) And it prohibits ambulance operators and debt collectors from reporting patients to a credit rating agency or taking legal action against them for at least 12 months after the initial bill.

Under current law, people in distress sometimes decline to call an ambulance for fear of a huge bill, putting themselves or a loved one at risk, says Katie Van Deynze, policy and legislative advocate for Health Access California, which sponsored the legislation. With the new law, she says, “they will have peace of mind.”

Existing laws already protect Medicare and Medi-Cal beneficiaries from surprise ground ambulance bills. The new law does not cover the nearly 6 million Californians enrolled in the subset of employer-sponsored health plans that are federally regulated.

The advisory committee working on a federal fix agreed last week on nonbinding proposals that would, among other things, prohibit balance billing for the vast majority of ambulance rides and cap patients’ financial liability at $100. The committee plans to formally report its recommendations to Congress early next year for potential legislation.

Under California’s new law, patients can expect to save an average of nearly $1,100 per emergency ambulance ride and over $800 per nonemergency ride in the first year, according to a legislative analysis conducted earlier this year.

Health plans will be required to pay ambulance operators the rates set by county authorities, which the study said would increase the average amount insurers pay per ride by around $2,000.

Since ambulance rides account for a tiny percentage of overall health plan spending, those increases should not raise premiums by much.

But local authorities might be tempted to hike ambulance rates over time to increase revenue for publicly run ambulance operators, such as fire departments, says Loren Adler, associate director of the Brookings Schaeffer Initiative on Health Policy. That could prompt health plans to raise ambulance copays, offsetting some of the consumer savings from the new law, Adler says.

Jenn Engstrom, director of CalPIRG, an advocacy group that helped shepherd the law through the legislature, notes there will be built-in accountability, since the legislation requires public reporting of ambulance rates. “If we notice that things start to skyrocket, there will be a need for legislative action or local action,” Engstrom says.

Reisz says the ambulance company that transported her daughter wrote off the bill after she made it clear she had no intention of paying it — and after her health plan ponied up a little more. But as she notes, not everyone is a lawyer adept at arguing their cause.

Even if you are no rhetorical wizard, you can take simple steps to protect yourself against errors or ambulance operators that disregard the new law.

Check your insurance policy to know your deductible and any copay or coinsurance should you ever need an ambulance. If you get an ambulance bill, don’t pay it right away. Check your insurer’s explanation of benefits to make sure what it says you owe matches what you think your cost-sharing amount should be. If the bill is higher, the ambulance company may be trying to pull a fast one. Call the ambulance company and tell them they need to knock the bill down. If they don’t, file a complaint with your health plan and include a copy of the bill.

If you disagree with your plan’s decision, or it takes more than 30 days for the plan to respond, take your complaint to the regulator.

The new law requires your insurer to tell you if your health plan is regulated by the state and thus subject to the statute. If it is, the regulator is likely to be the Department of Managed Health Care. You can contact that agency online (www.healthhelp.ca.gov) or by phone at 1-888-466-2219. If your health plan is regulated by the Department of Insurance, you can file a complaint online (www.insurance.ca.gov) or call 1-800-927-4357.

Another good resource is the Health Consumer Alliance, which offers free legal assistance in multiple languages. Call 1-888-804-3536.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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La llevaron a un hospital en Clovis, una ciudad del condado de Fresno, cerca de donde viven los Reisz. Pero por la gravedad de las lesiones (Megan tenía cuatro costillas rotas y un pulmón parcialmente colapsado) los médicos decidieron trasladarla 12 millas en ambulancia hasta el centro de traumatología Nivel I del Centro Médico Regional Comunitario en Fresno.

Mientras Megan todavía se recuperaba de las lesiones en su hogar, recibió una factura de $2,400 de la compañía de ambulancias, después que el plan de salud familiar pagara casi $2,200.

“Cuando recibimos la factura, pensé que nuestra aseguradora estaba procesando el reclamo incorrectamente”, dijo Jennifer Reisz. Reisz, quien es abogada, dice que pasó horas hablando por teléfono con el plan de salud, la compañía de ambulancias y algunos defensores del consumidor.

Se enteró que la compañía de ambulancias no estaba en la red de su plan médico, y que se le permitía facturar a los pacientes cualquier parte no cubierta de sus cargos, una práctica conocida como facturación de saldo.

A partir del 1 de enero de 2024, los operadores de ambulancias terrestres ya no podrán llevar a cabo esta práctica, gracias a una nueva ley firmada por el gobernador demócrata Gavin Newsom. California es el decimocuarto estado que brinda cierta protección contra la facturación de saldo por viajes en ambulancia terrestre.

A nivel federal, un comité asesor establecido por el No Surprises Act, está trabajando en un plan para abordar el problema a nivel nacional.

Tanto la ley federal, que entró en vigencia en 2022, como una ley de California anterior prohibieron en gran medida la facturación del saldo de la atención hospitalaria y los servicios de ambulancia aérea, pero no los de ambulancias terrestres.

Y eso no es justo, ya que en una emergencia médica los pacientes no tienen control sobre qué compañía de ambulancias responde, si está dentro de la red, o cuánto cobrará.

​En California, casi tres cuartas partes de los traslados de emergencia en ambulancia terrestre generan facturas fuera de la red. La factura sorpresa promedio por un viaje en ambulancia terrestre en California es de $1,209, la más alta del país, según un estudio de diciembre.

La nueva ley, que se aplica a alrededor de 14 millones de californianos inscritos en planes de salud comerciales regulados por el estado, limita cuánto un operador de ambulancia fuera de la red puede cobrar a los pacientes con respecto al monto que pagarían por una ambulancia dentro de la red.

La ley también limita las facturas de las personas sin seguro, estipulando que no se les puede cobrar más que la tarifa de Medi-Cal o Medicare, la que sea mayor. (Medi-Cal es el programa de Medicaid de California, que brinda cobertura a personas con bajos ingresos o con ciertas discapacidades). Y prohíbe a los operadores de ambulancias y cobradores de deudas reportar a los pacientes a una agencia de calificación crediticia o emprender acciones legales contra ellos durante al menos 12 meses después de la factura inicial.

Según la ley actual, las personas en peligro a veces se niegan a llamar a una ambulancia por temor a una factura enorme, lo que podría[BW1] [BW2]  ponerlos a ellos mismos o a un ser querido en riesgo, dijo Katie Van Deynze, defensora legislativa y de políticas de Health Access California, que patrocinó la legislación. Afirma que con la nueva ley “tendrán tranquilidad”.

Las leyes existentes ya protegen a los beneficiarios de Medicare y Medi-Cal de facturas sorpresa por el uso de ambulancias terrestres. La nueva ley no cubre a los casi 6 millones de californianos inscritos en el subconjunto de planes de salud patrocinados por empleadores que están regulados a nivel federal.

El comité asesor que trabaja en una solución federal acordó la primera semana de noviembre propuestas no vinculantes que prohibirían, entre otras cosas, la facturación de saldo para la gran mayoría de los viajes en ambulancia y limitarían la responsabilidad financiera de los pacientes a $100. El comité planea informar formalmente sus recomendaciones al Congreso a principios del próximo año para una potencial legislación.

Según la nueva ley de California, los pacientes pueden esperar ahorrar un promedio de casi $1,100 por viaje en ambulancia de emergencia y más de $800 por viaje que no sea de emergencia durante el primer año, según un análisis legislativo realizado a principios de este año.

Los planes de salud deberán pagar a los operadores de ambulancias las tarifas establecidas por las autoridades del condado, lo que según el estudio aumentaría la cantidad promedio que pagan las aseguradoras por viaje en alrededor de $2,000.

Dado que los viajes en ambulancia representan un pequeño porcentaje del gasto general de los planes de salud, esos aumentos no deberían elevar mucho las primas.

Pero, con el tiempo, las autoridades locales podrían verse tentadas a aumentar las tarifas de las ambulancias para aumentar los ingresos de los operadores de ambulancias públicos, como los departamentos de bomberos, dijo Loren Adler, director asociado de la Iniciativa Brookings Schaeffer sobre Políticas de Salud. Eso podría impulsar a los planes de salud a aumentar los copagos de las ambulancias, eliminando algunos de los ahorros para los consumidores derivados de la nueva ley, apuntó Adler.

Jenn Engstrom, directora de CalPIRG, un grupo de defensa que ayudó a impulsar la ley a través de la legislatura, señaló que habrá responsabilidad incorporada, ya que la legislación requiere informes públicos sobre las tarifas de las ambulancias. “Si notamos que las cosas empiezan a dispararse, será necesaria una acción legislativa o una acción local”, dice Engstrom.

Reisz dijo que la compañía de ambulancias que transportó a su hija canceló la factura después que ella dejara en claro que no tenía intención de pagarla, y después que su plan de salud amortiguó el gasto un poco más. Pero, como señala, no todas las personas son abogadas expertas en defender su causa.

Incluso si no eres un maestro de la retórica, puedes tomar medidas sencillas para protegerte contra errores o contra operadores de ambulancias que ignoren la nueva ley.

Revisa tu póliza para conocer tu deducible y cualquier copago o coseguro en caso de que alguna vez necesites una ambulancia. Si recibes una factura por un traslado en ambulancia, no la pagues de inmediato. Consulta la explicación de beneficios de tu aseguradora para asegurarte que lo que [BW3] dice que debes coincida con lo que crees que debería ser el monto de tu costo compartido. Si la factura es más alta, es posible que la compañía de ambulancias esté intentando engañar. Llama a la compañía de ambulancias y diles que deben reducir la factura. Si no lo hacen, presenta una queja ante tu plan de salud e incluye una copia de la factura.

Si no estás de acuerdo con la decisión de tu plan, o el plan tarda más de 30 días en responder, lleva tu queja al regulador.

La nueva ley exige que tu aseguradora te informe si tu plan de salud está regulado por el estado y, por lo tanto, sujeto al estatuto. Si es así, es probable que el regulador sea el Departamento de Atención Médica Administrada.

Puedes comunicarte con esa agencia en línea (www.healthhelp.ca.gov) o por teléfono al 1-888-466-2219. Si tu plan de salud está regulado por el Departamento de Seguros, puedes presentar una queja en línea (www.insurance.ca.gov) o llamar al 1-800-927-4357.

Otro buen recurso es Health Consumer Alliance, que ofrece asistencia legal gratuita en varios idiomas. Llama al 1-888-804-3536.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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In Missouri and Florida, callers waited on hold for more than two hours on hotlines to renew their Medicaid coverage.

In Tennessee, the parents of a disabled man who had been on Medicaid for three decades fought with the state this summer to keep him enrolled as he lay dying from pneumonia in a hospital.

Seven months into what was predicted to be the biggest upheaval in the 58-year history of the government health insurance program for people with low incomes and disabilities, states have reviewed the eligibility of more than 28 million people and terminated coverage for over 10 million of them. Millions more are expected to lose Medicaid in the coming months.

The unprecedented enrollment drop comes after federal protections ended this spring that had prohibited states from removing people from Medicaid during the three pandemic years. Since March 2020, enrollment in Medicaid and the related Children’s Health Insurance Program had surged by more than 22 million to reach 94 million people.

The process of reviewing all recipients’ eligibility has been anything but smooth for many Medicaid enrollees. Some are losing coverage without understanding why. Some are struggling to prove they’re still eligible. Recipients and patient advocates say Medicaid officials sent mandatory renewal forms to outdated addresses, miscalculated income levels, and offered clumsy translations of the documents. Attempting to process the cases of tens of millions of people at the same time also has exacerbated long-standing weaknesses in the bureaucratic system. Some suspect particular states have used the confusing system to discourage enrollment.

“It’s not just bad, but worse than people can imagine,” said Camille Richoux, health policy director for the nonprofit Arkansas Advocates for Children and Families. “This unwinding has not been about determining who is eligible by all possible means, but how we can kick people off by all possible means.”

To be sure, some of the Medicaid recipients who signed on to the program when the U.S. unemployment rate soared amid covid-19 lockdowns have since gotten health insurance through new jobs as unemployment dropped back to pre-pandemic lows.

And some of the disenrolled are signing up for Affordable Care Act marketplace plans. Centene CEO Sarah London, for example, told investors on Oct. 24 that the health care giant expected as many as 2.4 million of its 15 million Medicaid managed care members to lose coverage from the unwinding, but more than 1 million customers had joined its exchange plans since the same time last year.

Still, it’s anyone’s guess how many former Medicaid beneficiaries remain uninsured. States don’t track what happens to everyone after they’re disenrolled. And the final tallies likely won’t be known until 2025, after the unwinding finishes by next summer and federal officials survey Americans’ insurance status.

Without Medicaid, Patients Miss Appointments

Trish Chastain, 35, of Springfield, Missouri, said her Medicaid coverage is scheduled to expire at the end of the year. Though her children are still covered, she no longer qualifies because her $22-an-hour income is too high. Chastain’s employer, a rehab center, offers health insurance, but her share of the premium would be $260 a month. “I can’t afford that with my monthly budget,” Chastain said.

Gaps in coverage can jeopardize people’s access to health services or their financial security if they get medical bills for care they cannot postpone.

Doctors and representatives of community health centers around the country said they have seen an uptick in cancellations and no-shows among patients without coverage — including children. Nationwide, states have already disenrolled at least 1.8 million children in the 20 states that provide the data by age. Children typically qualify more easily than adults, so child advocates believe many kids are being wrongly terminated based on their parents’ being deemed no longer eligible. Meanwhile, enrollment in CHIP, which has higher income eligibility levels than Medicaid, has shown only a tiny increase.

Kids accounted for varying shares of those disenrolled in each state, ranging from 68% in Texas to 16% in Massachusetts, according to KFF. In September, President Joe Biden’s administration said most states were conducting eligibility checks incorrectly and inappropriately disenrolling eligible children or household members. It ordered states to reinstate coverage for some 500,000 people.

Varying Timetables, Varying Rates of Disenrollment

Idaho, one of a few states that completed the unwind in six months, said it disenrolled 121,000 of the 153,000 recipients it reviewed as of September because it suspected they were no longer eligible following the end of the public health emergency. Of those kicked off, about 13,600 signed up for private coverage on the state’s ACA marketplace, said Pat Kelly, executive director of Your Health Idaho, the state’s exchange. State officials said they don’t know what happened to the rest.

California, by contrast, started terminating recipients only this summer and is automatically transferring coverage from Medi-Cal to marketplace plans for those eligible. Medi-Cal, by far the nation’s largest Medicaid program, with over 15 million enrollees, has cut just over 500,000 people in the first three months, according to the most current data available.

The Medicaid disenrollment rates of people reviewed so far vary dramatically by state, largely along a blue-red political divide, from a low of 10% in Illinois to a high of 65% in Texas.

“I feel like Illinois is doing everything in their power to ensure that as few people lose coverage as possible,” said Paula Campbell of the Illinois Primary Health Care Association, which represents dozens of community health centers.

Nationwide, about 71% of Medicaid enrollees terminated during the unwinding have been cut because of procedural issues, such as not responding to requests for information to verify their eligibility. It’s unclear how many are actually still eligible. In California, that number is 88%, the fifth highest among states, according to data tracked by KFF.

“It’s terrible. Eighty-seven percent of people with Medi-Cal don’t get to keep their coverage based on whether they actually qualify,” said David Kane, an attorney at the Western Center on Law and Poverty. “Instead, they see their health coverage cut off automatically for procedural and paperwork reasons largely outside of their control.”

But Yingjia Huang, assistant deputy director of health care benefits and eligibility at California’s Department of Health Care Services, which oversees Medi-Cal, said the main reason for paperwork-related terminations is that people don’t return their packets, which was a problem even before the pandemic. “Now, I think there is a group of people who most likely have obtained other forms of health insurance,” Huang said. “That’s probably one of the biggest reasons they don’t return their packets.”

State and local Medicaid officials across the country say they have tried contacting enrollees in multiple ways — including through letters, phone calls, emails, and texts — to check their eligibility. Yet some Medicaid recipients lack consistent addresses or internet service, do not speak English, or are juggling more pressing needs.

In California, officials acknowledge that staffing shortages are a problem but say they are working hard to fix it. Eileen Cubanski, interim executive director of the County Welfare Directors Association of California, said the counties are “hiring as fast as they can, and they are all training as fast as they can.”

‘People Are Not Getting Through’

In many states, enrollees have faced long waits to get help with renewals. The longest phone waits were in Missouri, according to a KFF Health News review of letters the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services sent to states in August. In the letter to Missouri’s Medicaid program, CMS said it was concerned that the average wait time of 48 minutes and the 44% rate of Missourians abandoning those calls in May was “impeding equitable access” to assistance and patients’ ability to maintain coverage.

In Florida, which has removed over 730,000 people from the program since April, enrollees earlier this year were waiting almost 2½ hours on a Spanish-language call center, according to a report from UnidosUS, a civil rights advocacy group. “They can barely get the Spanish translations right” on the Medicaid application, on the renewal website, and in other communications, said Jared Nordlund, the Florida director for UnidosUS.

Miguel Nevarez, press secretary for Florida’s Department of Children and Families, which is managing the state’s Medicaid redetermination process, criticized complaints about poor translations and long waits for the Spanish-language call center as a “false narrative.” He said, “The data clearly shows Florida has executed a fair and effective plan for redeterminations.”

In California, similarly jammed phone lines, crowded and understaffed county offices, and trouble downloading renewal applications electronically are all “compounding people’s difficulty to renew” their Medicaid, said Skyler Rosellini, a senior attorney in the Los Angeles office of the National Health Law Program. “We do know, based on the cases we’re getting, that people are not getting through.”

Jasmine McClain, a 31-year-old medical assistant, said she tried everything before Montana ended Medicaid coverage for her kids, ages 3 and 5, in early October. She tried submitting paperwork online and over fax to prove they still qualified. She spent hours on hold with the state hotline. After her kids’ coverage ended, she went to a state public assistance office in Missoula but couldn’t get an appointment. One day in mid-October, roughly 30 people lined up outside the office starting as early as 6:40 a.m., before its doors opened.

After three weeks of her pleading for help while her kids were uninsured, the state restored her kids’ coverage. A supervisor told her the family’s paperwork submitted online had not been processed initially.

Spokespeople for the Montana, Florida, and Missouri Medicaid programs all said their states had reduced call wait times.

Some Medicaid recipients are seeking help through the courts. In a 2020 class-action lawsuit against Tennessee that seeks to pause the Medicaid eligibility review, parents of recipients describe spending hours on the phone or online with the state Medicaid program, trying to ensure their children’s insurance coverage is not lost.

One of those parents, Donna Guyton, said in a court filing that Tennessee’s Medicaid program, called TennCare, sent a June letter revoking the coverage of her 37-year-old son, Patrick, who had been eligible for Medicaid because of disabilities since he was 6. As Guyton made calls and filed appeals to protect her son’s insurance, he was hospitalized with pneumonia, then spent weeks there before dying in late July.

“While Patrick was fighting for his life, TennCare was threatening to take away his health insurance coverage and the services he relied on,” she said in a court filing. “Though we should have been able to focus on Patrick’s care, our family was required to navigate a system that kept denying his eligibility and putting his health coverage at risk.”

TennCare said in a court filing Patrick Guyton’s Medicaid coverage was never actually revoked — the termination letter was sent to his family because of an “error.”

Phil Galewitz in Washington, D.C., wrote this article. Daniel Chang in Hollywood, Florida; Katheryn Houghton in Missoula, Montana; Brett Kelman in Nashville, Tennessee; Samantha Liss and Bram Sable-Smith in St. Louis; and Bernard J. Wolfson in Los Angeles contributed to this report.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, formerly known as Kaiser Health News (KHN), a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism. 

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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Unless a deal is struck, more than 75,000 health workers will walk out for three days from Oct. 4-7, disrupting care for KP patients in California, Colorado, Oregon, Virginia, Washington, and Washington, D.C. The unions represent a wide range of KP health workers, including lab technicians, phlebotomists, pharmacists, optometrists, social workers, orderlies, and support staff.

A strike, if it occurs, would affect most of Kaiser Permanente’s 39 hospitals and 622 medical offices across the U.S., and would disrupt care for many of its nearly 13 million patients. If workers walk off their jobs, “it will start to impact patient care right away,” said John August, director of health care and partner programs at Cornell University’s Scheinman Institute on Conflict Resolution, who is a former head of the union coalition currently negotiating with KP.

“You are immediately subject to problems with not being able to get patients in and out of the hospital. You risk problems with infection control. You’re not going to get meals,” August said.

Arlene Peasnall, Kaiser Permanente’s senior vice president for human resources, said the Oakland, California-based health care giant’s goal is “to reach a mutually beneficial agreement before any work stoppage occurs.” But she also said the nonprofit has plans in place to blunt the impact of a walkout.

“We will be bargaining with Kaiser up until the day we go on strike,” said Caroline Lucas, executive director of the Coalition of Kaiser Permanente Unions, which represents about 40% of KP’s workforce. “Our front-line health care workers are fed up, and we really need Kaiser executives to seize the initiative and move forward on resolving the contract.”

The current contract expires Sept. 30 and, after months of talks, the two sides still disagree over pay and staffing. The coalition wants a $25-an-hour minimum wage across the company. KP executives agree there should be an organization-wide floor, but they’ve proposed $21.

KP prefers varying wage increases across regions, since the cost of living can vary sharply. The coalition, which is pushing for uniform wage increases across all regions, contends that management’s proposal is part of a “divide-and-conquer strategy.” Peasnall said the union’s stance “would prevent us from addressing fair market wages where we need to pay more to attract and retain the best people.”

The unions say their lowest-paid workers can barely make ends meet in the face of soaring prices for food, gasoline, and other essentials. And, they say, KP hospitals and clinics are severely understaffed, forcing workers to put in long hours and fill multiple roles. They argue that management is not moving quickly enough to fill positions and that the quality of care has suffered as patients, some with serious illnesses, often wait months for appointments, face extremely long waits in the emergency room, and experience delays in hospital admissions.

An industrywide labor shortage hangs heavily over the contract talks. The pandemic was particularly brutal for health care workers who often worked long hours in grueling conditions, as colleagues fell ill, died, or quit. Workers say many of the positions that became vacant during the pandemic still have not been filled.

Miriam De La Paz, a secretary in the labor and delivery department of KP’s Downey Medical Center in Southern California and a union steward, said when she is alone on a shift, she is responsible for two labor and delivery stations as well as triage, where patients are prioritized based on the acuity of their cases.

“Imagine if I’m putting this baby in the system and your wife shows up in pain, crying, but I’m not there to register her,” De La Paz said. “I can’t break myself in two.”

Unions want KP to invest more in education, training, and recruitment to fill current openings and create a pipeline of future workers. KP says it is doing so.

Peasnall said KP has already filled more than 9,700 out of 10,000 new coalition-represented jobs the two sides had agreed to create this year. And she said KP’s turnover rate is one-third the industry rate, in part because of “excellent pay and benefits.”

Earlier this month, California lawmakers passed legislation to gradually raise the minimum wage for health care workers in the state to $25 an hour. If Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom signs the bill into law, KP will have to comply. And nearly 80% of workers represented by the coalition in the current contract talks are in California.

On Sept. 22, as bargaining continued in San Francisco, the unions announced that more than 75,000 of the 85,000 workers they represent would stage the three-day walkout if there’s no deal. Federal law requires 10 days’ notice of strikes at health care facilities. The coalition said it is “prepared to engage in another longer, stronger strike in November,” if no agreement is reached by then.

A coalition spokesperson, Betsy Twitchell, said workers would welcome the Biden administration’s involvement in the talks “because of the importance of these negotiations to millions of patients and 75,000 frontline healthcare workers.”

The unions say KP can afford to be more generous, citing its robust financial health.

Although KP reported a net loss of almost $4.5 billion in 2022, it generated a cumulative net income of nearly $22 billion over the three preceding years — both results driven largely by investment performance. In the first half of this year, KP posted profits of over $3 billion. And it is in a strong position to manage its debt, according to a report earlier this year by Fitch Ratings.

The unions note that Kaiser Permanente’s CEO, Greg Adams, received almost $16 million in compensation in 2021 and that dozens of others in KP management made more than $1 million, according to a KP filing with the IRS.

Peasnall said the compensation of KP’s senior management is less than that of their peers at other health care companies.

A KP walkout would be the latest in a string of worker movements. Strikes have hit Hollywood, hotels, auto manufacturers, and other industries. Public approval of unions is at a nearly 60-year high, according to a Gallup Poll released in August 2022.

Health workers are increasingly engaged, too. Several hospital groups have been hit by strikes, including Cedars-Sinai Medical Center in Los Angeles and numerous facilities belonging to Sutter Health in Northern California, as well as health care organizations in other states.

“There is an atmosphere in the country: It’s labor summer, it’s strike summer, it’s all that,” August said. “That definitely has an influence on union leadership that says, ‘We need to be a part of that.’”

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El consultorio ya había cerrado, pero todo el equipo estaba allí esperándome. Uno de ellos me pinchó los globos oculares con un instrumento punzante para drenar el líquido que se había acumulado. Eso alivió la presión y me devolvió la visión.

Pero era el cuarto pico de presión ocular que amenazaba mi visión en nueve días, y los doctores temían que volviera a suceder durante el fin de semana. Así que me fui a la sala de emergencias, donde pasé la noche conectado a un tubo intravenoso que suministraba un poderoso agente antiinflamatorio.

Más tarde, cuando le contaba esta historia a mis amigos y colegas, algunos de ellos no entendían la importancia de la presión ocular o ni siquiera lo que era. “No sabía que se podía medir la presión sanguínea en los ojos”, me dijeron.

La mayoría de las personas consideran que su visión es de suma importancia. Sin embargo, muchas de ellas saben muy poco sobre las enfermedades oculares más graves.

En un estudio de 2016 publicado en JAMA Ophthalmology, basado en una encuesta nacional en línea, casi la mitad de los encuestados dijeron que temían perder la vista más que la memoria, el habla, el oído o sus extremidades. Sin embargo, muchos “no tenían conciencia de enfermedades oculares importantes”, según el estudio.

Un estudio publicado este mes, realizado por Wakefield Research para las organizaciones sin fines de lucro Prevent Blindness y Regeneron Pharmaceuticals, reveló que una cuarta parte de los adultos con mayor riesgo de desarrollar enfermedades de la retina, como degeneración macular y retinopatía diabética, atrasaron la búsqueda de atención médica para sus problemas de visión.

“Se hace mucho menos énfasis en la salud ocular que en la salud general”, afirma Rohit Varma, director fundador del Southern California Eye Institute de Hollywood Presbyterian Medical Center.

Varma dice que, debido a que muchas veces las enfermedades de los ojos no causan dolor y avanzan lentamente, “la gente se acostumbra, y a medida que envejece empieza a pensar, ‘esto es una parte normal del envejecimiento'”. Pero si sintiera un dolor intenso, agrega, la misma persona buscaría atención médica.

Pero para muchos no es fácil tener un examen de la vista o recibir tratamiento. Millones no tienen seguro de salud, otros no pueden pagar su parte del costo, o viven en comunidades donde no hay muchos oftalmólogos.

“El hecho de que la gente sepa que necesita atención médica no significa que pueda pagarla o que tenga acceso a ella”, dice Jeff Todd, director y presidente de Prevent Blindness.

Otro reto que refleja la brecha entre la atención oftalmológica y la atención de salud general es que el seguro médico suele cubrir solo el cuidado de ojos para diagnosticar o tratar enfermedades, excepto en el caso de los niños.

Muchos planes de salud cubren los exámenes de visión de rutina, pero estos generalmente no incluyen el tipo de examen que se utiliza para recetar anteojos y lentes de contacto. Tampoco suelen cubrir el costo de los lentes. En algunos casos se necesita un seguro de visión aparte para estos servicios; consulta con tu plan de salud para saber qué cubre.

Desde que me diagnosticaron glaucoma hace 15 años, he tenido más controles de presión ocular, exámenes de visión, recetas de gotas para los ojos y cirugías láser de los que puedo recordar. Yo no debería subestimar la importancia de mi vista. Y sin embargo, cuando mis ojos se llenaron de esa niebla que empañaba mi visión en marzo pasado, me sentí extrañamente optimista.

Resultó que esos picos de presión en serie habían sido provocados por una reacción adversa a las gotas a base de esteroides que me recetaron tras una operación de cataratas. Mi oftalmólogo me dijo más tarde que había estado “a pocas horas” de perder la vista.

Espero que mi experiencia de estar cerca de la ceguera inspire a la gente a ser más consciente de sus ojos.

Los anteojos o los lentes de contacto pueden marcar una gran diferencia en la calidad de vida de una persona al corregir los errores de refracción, que afectan a 150 millones de estadounidenses. Pero no hay que ignorar el riesgo de los trastornos oculares mucho más graves, que pueden sorprendernos. En muchos casos se pueden controlar, si se detectan a tiempo.

El glaucoma, que afecta a unas 3 millones de personas en Estados Unidos, ataca primero la visión periférica y puede causar daños irreversibles en el nervio óptico. Es hereditario y es cinco veces más prevalente en las personas afroamericanas que en la población general.

Casi 10 millones de personas en este país tienen retinopatía diabética, una complicación de la diabetes que ocurre cuando se dañan los vasos sanguíneos de la retina. Y unas 20 millones de personas de 40 años o más tienen degeneración macular, una enfermedad de la retina asociada con el envejecimiento que, con el tiempo, disminuye la visión central.

Las cataratas causan opacidad en el cristalino, la lente natural del ojo. A medida que las personas envejecen, es muy común que las desarrollen: la mitad de las personas de 75 años o más las tienen. Las cataratas pueden causar ceguera, pero se tratan con cirugía.

Si tienes más de 40 años y no te has realizado un examen ocular completo en un tiempo, o nunca, pónlo en tu lista de tareas pendientes. Y hazlo antes de esa edad si tienes diabetes, antecedentes familiares de glaucoma o si eres una persona afroamericana o parte de otro grupo racial o étnico con alto riesgo de ciertas enfermedades oculares.

Y no te olvides de los más jóvenes. Múltiples afecciones oculares pueden afectar a los niños. Los errores de refracción, tratables con lentes correctivas, pueden causar problemas más adelante en la vida si no se tratan lo suficientemente temprano.

Los estilos de vida saludables también benefician a tus ojos. “Todo lo que ayuda a tu salud general ayuda a tu visión”, dice Andrew Iwach, vocero clínico de la Academia Americana de Oftalmología y director ejecutivo del Glaucoma Center of San Francisco.

Reduce el estrés, haz ejercicio regularmente y sigue una dieta saludable. También deja de fumar. Aumenta el riesgo de enfermedades oculares graves.

Y considera adoptar hábitos que protejan tus ojos de lesiones: usa lentes de sol cuando estés al aire libre, descansa de la pantalla de tu computadora y teléfono celular regularmente, y usa anteojos protectores cuando trabajes en la casa o practiques deportes.

El sitio web de Prevent Blindness ofrece información sobre prácticamente todo lo relacionado con la salud ocular, incluyendo el seguro. Otras buenas fuentes son el sitio EyeSmart de la Academia Americana de Oftalmología y el Instituto Nacional del Ojo.

Así que lee y comparte lo que has aprendido. “Cuando te reúnas con tu familia para las fiestas”, dice Iwach, “si no sabes de qué hablar, habla de tus ojos”.

Esta historia fue producida por KFF Health News, que publica California Healthline, un servicio editorialmente independiente de la California Health Care Foundation.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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The office was already closed, but the whole eye care team was there waiting for me. One of them pricked my eyeballs with a sharp instrument, allowing the ocular fluid that had built up to drain. That relieved the pressure and restored my vision.

But it was the fourth vision-impairing pressure spike in nine days, and they feared it would happen again — heading into a weekend. So off I went to the emergency room, where I spent the night hooked up to an intravenous tube that delivered a powerful anti-swelling agent.

Later, when I told this story to friends and colleagues, some of them didn’t understand the importance of eye pressure, or even what it was. “I didn’t know they could measure blood pressure in your eyes,” one of them told me.

Most people consider their vision to be vitally important, yet many lack an understanding of some of the most serious eye diseases. A 2016 study published in JAMA Ophthalmology, based on an online national poll, showed that nearly half of respondents feared losing their eyesight more than their memory, speech, hearing, or limbs. Yet many “were unaware of important eye diseases,” it found.

A study released in July, conducted by Wakefield Research for the nonprofit Prevent Blindness and Regeneron Pharmaceuticals, showed that one-quarter of adults deemed at risk for diseases of the retina, such as macular degeneration and diabetic retinopathy, had delayed seeking care for vision problems.

“There is significantly less of an emphasis placed on eye health than there is on general health,” says Rohit Varma, founding director of the Southern California Eye Institute at Hollywood Presbyterian Medical Center.

Because eye diseases can be painless and progress slowly, Varma says, “people get used to it, and as they age, they begin to feel, ‘Oh, this is a normal part of aging and it’s OK.’” If people felt severe pain, he says, they would go get care.

For many people, though, it’s not easy to get an eye exam or eye treatment. Millions are uninsured, others can’t afford their share of the cost, and many live in communities where eye doctors are scarce.

“Just because people know they need the care doesn’t necessarily mean they can afford it or that they have the access to it,” says Jeff Todd, CEO and president of Prevent Blindness.

Another challenge, reflecting the divide between eye care and general health care, is that medical insurance, except for children, often covers only eye care aimed at diagnosing or treating diseases. More health plans are covering routine eye exams these days, but that generally does not include the type of test used to determine eyeglass and contact lens prescriptions — or the cost of the lenses. You may need separate vision insurance for that. Ask your health plan what’s covered.

Since being diagnosed with glaucoma 15 years ago, I’ve had more pressure checks, eye exams, eyedrops, and laser surgeries than I can remember. I should know not to take my eyesight for granted. And yet, when my peepers were filling with that vision-threatening fog last March, I felt oddly sanguine.

It turned out that those serial pressure spikes were triggered by an adverse reaction to steroid-based eyedrops prescribed to me following cataract surgery. My ophthalmologist told me later that I had come “within hours” of losing my eyesight.

I hope my brush with blindness can help inspire people to be more conscious of their eyes.

Eyeglasses or contact lenses can make a huge difference in one’s quality of life by correcting refractive errors, which affect 150 million Americans. But don’t ignore the risk of far more serious eye conditions that can sneak up on you. They are often manageable if caught early enough.

Glaucoma, which affects about 3 million people in the U.S., attacks peripheral vision first and can cause irreversible damage to the optic nerve. It runs in families and is five times as prevalent among African Americans as in the general population.

Nearly 10 million in this country have diabetic retinopathy, a complication of diabetes in which blood vessels in the retina are damaged. And some 20 million people age 40 and up have macular degeneration, a disease of the retina associated with aging that diminishes central vision over time.

The formation of cataracts, which cause cloudiness in the eye’s natural lens, is very common as people age: Half of people 75 and older have them. Cataracts can cause blindness, but they are eminently treatable with surgery.

If you are over 40 and haven’t had a comprehensive eye exam in a while, or ever, put that on your to-do list. And get an exam at a younger age if you have diabetes, a family history of glaucoma, or if you are African American or part of another racial or ethnic group at high risk for certain eye diseases.

And don’t forget children. Multiple eye conditions can affect kids. Refractive errors, treatable with corrective lenses, can cause impairment later in life if they are not addressed early enough.

Healthful lifestyle choices also benefit your eyes. “Anything that helps your general health helps your vision,” says Andrew Iwach, a clinical spokesperson for the American Academy of Ophthalmology and executive director of the Glaucoma Center of San Francisco.

Minimize stress, get regular exercise, and eat a healthy diet. Also, quit smoking. It increases the risk of major eye diseases.

And consider adopting habits that protect your eyes from injury: Wear sunglasses when you go outside, take regular breaks from your computer screen and cellphone, and wear goggles when working around the house or playing sports.

The Prevent Blindness website offers information on virtually everything related to eye health, including insurance. Other good sources include the American Academy of Ophthalmology’s “EyeSmart” site and the National Eye Institute.

So read up and share what you’ve learned.

“When you get together for the holidays,” says Iwach, “if you aren’t sure what to talk about, talk about your eyes.”

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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The program is offering an additional $240.5 million in no-interest loans to 16 other troubled hospitals, including Beverly Community Hospital in Montebello and Hazel Hawkins Memorial Hospital in Hollister, both of which filed for bankruptcy earlier this year.

Hazel Hawkins will get a loan of $10 million, and Beverly will get a bridge loan of $5 million while it is being purchased out of bankruptcy by Adventist Health’s White Memorial in Los Angeles, according to the state’s Department of Health Care Access and Information, which unveiled the lending details Thursday.

Adventist Health has also agreed conditionally to manage Madera if it reopens. If all goes well it would take six to nine months to reopen, officials said.

Madera will get a bridge loan of $2 million to cover basic costs while Adventist Health, a large multistate health system with 22 hospitals in California, works on a “comprehensive hospital turnaround plan,” the department said. Once such a plan is approved, Madera “can be eligible for an additional $50 million loan” from the distressed hospital program, it said.

For most of last year, Fresno-based St. Agnes Medical Center, part of the large Catholic hospital chain Trinity Health, appeared poised to rescue Madera Community Hospital from financial ruin in a planned acquisition that was approved by California Attorney General Rob Bonta. But Trinity walked away from the deal at the last minute with scant explanation, infuriating Bonta along with multiple other political leaders, community advocates, and health care officials.

Trinity, which had loaned Madera $15.4 million during their merger talks, became its largest creditor in the bankruptcy that ensued. At the time of its bankruptcy filing in March, Madera reported total debts of just over $30 million.

Adventist Health agreed last month to a nonbinding letter of intent to manage Madera. At the time, Kerry Heinrich, Adventist’s president and CEO, said that if the shuttered hospital got the requisite financing, Adventist Health would use its expertise in “helping to secure a sustainable future for healthcare” in the county.

Adventist Health spokesperson Japhet De Oliveira said Thursday that his organization remains intent on doing so. Reopening Madera “would be a really good thing, and we will put every effort into making that happen,” De Oliveira said. He added: “We will need all parties to be involved in developing the approved plan and negotiating the terms of management services.”

Karen Paolinelli, the CEO of Madera Community Hospital, did not respond to emailed questions by publication time.

State political leaders representing the region expressed satisfaction with Thursday’s news. “It brings me tremendous relief to know that Madera Community Hospital and Hazel Hawkins Memorial Hospital in San Benito County have received grant awards and will be able to ensure that community members can once again receive services in their own communities,” said Sen. Anna Caballero, a Democrat who represents the areas in which those facilities are located.

The Adventist letter of intent for Madera said that in addition to paying off creditors in the bankruptcy, the hospital would need to secure $55 million in the first year to pay for all aspects of reopening, plus an additional $30 million in the second year.

The $52 million the state proposes lending to Madera is significantly short of the $80 million the hospital applied for. Assuming the full $52 million materializes, the total amount loaned to the 17 hospitals would be $292.5 million — nearly the entire $300 million available to the fund for fiscal years 2023 and 2024. The program is scheduled to end after 2031.

With $52 million from the state, Madera Community Hospital would still need to find an additional $33 million. Madera said in a bankruptcy court filing earlier this year that it expects just over $33 million in revenues from “provider fees” and from the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The law that created the distressed hospital loan fund, AB 112, initially provided for $150 million in lending to help troubled hospitals, mostly rural ones, that faced the risk of closing. Another $150 million was later added to the pot. Small hospitals across the state — and the country — have been buffeted by the ill economic winds of the covid-19 pandemic, which ratcheted up the cost of drugs, supplies, and labor.

Hospital industry officials have also pointed to low payment rates by government programs, especially Medi-Cal, California’s Medicaid program, which they say has saddled many hospitals with financial losses.

Madera made the same argument, but state data shows it received enough supplemental payments to earn nearly $15 million from Medi-Cal in 2021, though it lost over $11 million treating Medicare patients.

The hospitals awarded the largest loans by the distressed hospital fund are Tri-City Medical Center in Oceanside, with $33.2 million; Dameron Hospital Association in Stockton, with $29 million; Pioneers Memorial Healthcare District in Imperial County, with $28 million; and El Centro Regional Medical Center, with $28 million.

California Healthline senior correspondent Bernard J. Wolfson was interviewed on July 21 on KVPR to discuss the efforts to save shuttered Madera Community Hospital and what’s ahead in bankruptcy proceedings.

For a time, Fresno-based St. Agnes Medical Center appeared poised to rescue the smaller facility, about 25 miles away in the rural, majority-Hispanic community of Madera. Wolfson explained that after the state attorney general’s office approved the deal with certain conditions, St. Agnes and its parent company, Trinity Health, walked away from the merger, shocking and infuriating officials, former employees, and community advocates.

That led to St. Agnes and Trinity’s push in bankruptcy court to liquidate Madera. But the hospital received a last-minute lifeline from the hospital chain Adventist Health, as first reported by The Fresno Bee.

The Bee’s Melissa Montalvo was interviewed on July 27 on Radio Bilingüe’s “Línea Abierta” to discuss the impact of the closure of Madera’s hospital on the community and how it might affect access to health care.

Read the original article jointly reported by Wolfson and Montalvo.

Democrats Win Covered California Funding

California Healthline contributing radio correspondent Stephanie O’Neill Patison reported that the state’s health insurance marketplace would begin using fines levied against uninsured people to reduce out-of-pocket spending for enrollees. The cost cutting includes eliminating next year’s deductibles for some enrollees, lowering copays for primary care visits, and reducing the cost of generic drugs.

The savings came after Democratic lawmakers pressured Gov. Gavin Newsom, also a Democrat, to make good on his pledge to use tax penalties to cut costs for low- and middle-income Californians. Still, premiums for Covered California’s health plans will go up by an average of nearly 10%, the largest increase since 2018.

Read the original article by California Healthline senior correspondent Angela Hart.

Bullied and ostracized, Wrangell started repressing those feelings in middle school and kept them bottled up for a long time. That led to decades of sadness, isolation, and even a couple of suicide attempts. What gnawed at Wrangell was gender dysphoria, a condition widely acknowledged in the medical community, which causes severe distress to people whose gender identity does not match their sex assigned at birth.

“It’s a sense of wrongness, like someone attached an arm to my head badly, and it just punches me in the face every time,” said Wrangell, 38, who grew up and still lives in this idyllic central California beach community. Facial and body hair is particularly upsetting: “I see my face in the mirror, and anytime I have to deal with hair, it is uncomfortable. I hate seeing it.”

Wrangell is nonbinary, meaning neither a man nor a woman, and uses the pronouns they and them. For over three years, they have been undergoing gender transition treatments to take on more feminine physical traits. These treatments have included genital transformation, known as bottom surgery; hormone replacement therapy using estradiol; and electrolysis hair removal for their face, neck, and chest.

All of it is paid for by Medi-Cal, California’s version of the federal Medicaid insurance program for people with low incomes. California law requires Medi-Cal and all other state-regulated health plans to cover gender-affirming care that is deemed medically necessary. But therein lies the rub.

Wrangell, an enrollee of the Central California Alliance for Health, the only Medi-Cal health plan in Santa Cruz, said it has been laborious to get the care they need. They contend with seemingly endless paperwork and phone calls to prove what they’ve already established — that their need for treatments is real and ongoing.

“There is a joke among the trans community, where they are always asking for letters, along the lines of, ‘Oh, did they think I stopped being trans or did the hair magically go away?’” Wrangell said.

And it requires a lot of work to find and vet the scant number of gender-affirming care providers who take Medi-Cal patients, Wrangell said.

Over 1.6 million people ages 13 and older in the U.S. are transgender, according to the UCLA School of Law’s Williams Institute, which conducts legal and policy research on gender identity and sexual orientation. Data from the institute shows an estimated 276,000 transgender people in the U.S. are enrolled in Medicaid, including 164,000 in states where transgender care is covered. Of those, 36,000 are in California, one of 25 states, plus Washington, D.C., whose Medicaid policies cover gender-affirming care.

“I think there’s a lot of pressure in society to fit into a very narrow set of narratives, and I don’t think honestly that works for most people,” Wrangell said. “For some people, it’s so ill-fitting, it’s disastrous.”

A national survey of transgender people shows they disproportionately experience physical abuse, economic hardship, and mental health problems. And research finds gender-affirming care can significantly enhance their quality of life.

But as Wrangell has learned, coverage and care are not the same thing. Hair removal, their top priority, has been hard to get. After 2½ years of electrolysis treatment, they’ve had roughly only about half the total number of hours their electrologist said they needed.

Permanently removing the facial hair of a transgender person assigned male at birth can require 400 or more hours of electrolysis spread over several years. For those paying out of their own pockets, the cost would easily reach tens of thousands of dollars. That doesn’t include the cost of facial, bottom, and body-shaping surgeries.

Wrangell said their health plan has limited the number of sessions it authorizes at a time, requiring constant reauthorization.

Dennis Hsieh, deputy chief medical officer of the Central California Alliance for Health, said the health plan recently updated its policy to allow 50% more electrolysis in a three-month period and eliminate a rule requiring patients to submit photos of relevant body parts.

Hsieh acknowledged a shortage of providers and said the alliance contracts with clinicians across several counties to provide more options.

To a large extent, the challenges transgender people encounter seeking care are the same ones many people face in the “terror dome of U.S. health care,” said Kellan Baker, the executive director of the Washington, D.C.-based Whitman-Walker Institute, which conducts research and education on topics of concern to gay, bisexual, and transgender people. “There are a lot of people in a lot of circumstances who cannot get medically necessary care for their conditions, whether that’s gender dysphoria or cancer or diabetes.”

Legal aid lawyers and transgender activists say another big reason for denials or delays in gender-affirming care, especially hair removal, is that many people in the medical world still think of it as cosmetic.

Medi-Cal, like most commercial insurance plans, does not cover cosmetic treatments. “But if it’s affecting your mental health, and it’s affecting your life opportunities, and it’s affecting your ability to get a job, and it’s affecting your ability to get housing, is that cosmetic?” asked Elana Redfield, the federal policy director at the Williams Institute.

Despite their travails in obtaining care, Wrangell said, the treatment is improving their life. The estradiol, they said, makes them feel “way more relaxed, much less on edge all the time.” And Wrangell feels good about an uncommon bottom surgery they got last October, but they are facing more paperwork for a needed follow-up operation.

They are frustrated about all the red tape they’ve encountered, precisely because the treatments are helping. “This is working,” Wrangell said. “Please finish it.”

This article is part of “Faces of Medi-Cal,” a California Healthline series exploring the impact of the state’s safety-net health program on enrollees.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

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